Demise of the political party worker

In between ruling groups of elite networks held together by mutual political needs, there is no political worker.

Maybe it is a good sign that the political workers of mainstream parties were conspicuous by their absence in relief efforts in southern Punjab. Political bias and greater concern with pleasing the voter might have left the genuine flood victims out of the dole. Maybe it is a myth that all types of activist party worker exist in the feudal countryside devastated by the recent floods. Perhaps it is a myth too that the political parties have a strong presence in the region and that this presence extends to areas other than where feudals are in control.

The landlords need a political label or stamp and these are readily available for them from the various competing dynastic parties. This happens because the parties need the landlords for their influence and broad social space to win various constituencies. Furthermore, our electoral system is such that numbers are very important, and that too compels the political parties to woo those who have the ability to win seats. Hence, the system is such that the landlords have it very good and they have their own dynasties which maintain a grip on power over their constituency.

In between the ruling groups formed on the basis of elite networks driven by social class characteristics and held together by mutual political needs, there is no political worker. The one that emerged in an age of ideological optimism driven by the political revolution of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto is disappointed and on the sidelines — he is languishing in misery and unable to revive his old spirit. He is tired of following the same old shadows. The worker of the landlord has replaced him and his political worth. The difference between the two is obvious; one is loyal to the person and the other to the party and its ideology.

There have been many other occasions in our history when the political parties have exposed their weaknesses, and I would say that among the biggest currently is the fact that their ranks of committed political workers are fast dwindling. And so nobody should be surprised if workers of political parties have been found absent from the flood relief effort. Yes, the party leaders, mostly holding government offices landed in the flood-affected localities and delivered some goods and promised more. But that is what every political animal would do to score political points; and being absent from the scene or staying away would only increase the public’s anger and resentment.

This is perhaps not the new political story; the new story is that the void left by the dwindling political workers has been filled by social and religious organisations. In some of the areas that this writer visited last week, these organisations had delivered goods not once but at least three times over. In many cases, they were the first to be on the ground. They were organised, systematic in documenting the real victims and have sustained their efforts. Interestingly, many of these organisations were operating in many of the areas for the first time.

There are two lessons that we can learn from indifference of the political element and the spirit and engagement of the social and religious organisations. First, the grassroots social work of the religious groups will over time produce committed local party workers for them. This is the path taken by Turkey’s Justice and Development Party. Second, the scandal-ridden, land-based ruling class, because of its tainted reputation thanks to unending tales of corruption, by default continues to create a space for new social forces that – ironically – may chip away at its own traditional power.

Published in The Express Tribune, September 11^th, 2010.