Withering away of ideology

Primary problem with allegations of corruption is that in most instances voters have no means to verify them.


Saroop Ijaz November 12, 2011

It seems that politicians in Pakistan are undergoing mass enlightenment wherein they are increasingly coming to the realisation that they need to reconsider their previous choices of party affiliation. It seems many have either joined or are in the process of jumping on Imran Khan’s revolutionary bandwagon. The Pakistan Peoples Party continues to strive in maintaining the unhappy coalition with the MQM. The PML-N is looking to scoop as many PPP and PML-Q dissidents as it can. At some level, this human trafficking model re-enacts gory scenes of what an ancient slave trade market would probably look like. In our particular case, the slaves are not really destitute and are desperate to be sold. Freelance politicians are up for grabs to anyone who offers the best bargain.

There is nothing extraordinary about changing party affiliations in a democratic system. However, in Pakistan, the first and the only serious question about a change in party loyalty is the perceived corruption record of the individual. Imran Khan has made it clear that he will only accept ‘clean’ politicians in his party. The same goes for most other parties. There is no denying the fact that corruption is a major issue, however it is by no means the singular challenge we face. The primary problem with allegations of corruption is that in most instances ordinary voters have no means to verify them and have to rely on media portrayal and conjecture, thereby rendering corruption absolutely unreliable as a sole criterion. The most interesting thing about this fickleness and change of affiliations is the complete absence of any questions of ideology. The only justification a deserter is obliged to give is the disagreement with one party leader and newfound respect and fondness for the other. Therein lies the foundation of our personality-cultish politics. Lord Westbury, apparently, once rebuffed a barrister’s reliance upon an earlier opinion of his lordship by quipping, “I can only say that I am amazed that a man of my intelligence should have been guilty of giving such an opinion”.

When the PPP formed a coalition with the JUI-F earlier in the government, the real question that was strangely missed was: how was the PPP and its supposedly liberal credentials compatible with the extreme religious rightist views of the JUI-F? Similarly, members of the PML-Q forward block have not had to explain the ideology shift that compelled them to join the PML-N. The PML-N has never expressly denied links with sectarian banned outfits or even enunciated a clear position on the issue. Imran Khan has also articulated only one criteria for admitting people, that of financial honesty regardless of ideology. Politically, it is a sound move in purely Machiavellian terms, yet it is insulting to us. This model of pragmatism treats the general public as incredibly incurious schoolchildren. The media has also been guilty of being abnormally unsuspicious while not questioning the ideological basis underlying the shifting of allegiance. Not to mention that it is debasing and deadening.

In 1992, the Republican nomination for the governorship of Louisiana was won by David Duke, who had formerly been the head of the Ku Klux Klan and the American Nazi party. When the president, Bush Sr., was asked about it, he replied, “Well I would like to be positioned where I can be perceived as having been distanced from that”. The sentence does not say anything, it is utter gibberish. It brings to light the unassailable challenge of defending the indefensible. Our politicians have to spout such meaningless, inane phrases every day since they have no foundation to fall back upon, and our public and the media have no yardstick to hold them accountable to.

The term ideology is now only meaningful in the context of the religious and political right. The PPP started off as an ideological party, but will now face some difficulty in asserting its leftist-socialist credentials with stalwarts like Babar Awan and Rehman Malik in its front ranks. All the other parties have the same rhetoric and often the exact same language. Obama is a prime example of conjuring massive public support based on ‘hope’ and ‘change’ etc, without taking strong committed positions. The results of the experiment are not confidence-inspiring. Imran Khan is replicating the same model. Yet he is not alone in the use of hollow, generalist language; the PPP has cheapened the word ‘reconciliation’ with overuse. The make-ups and break-ups with the MQM reinforce the Hobbesian survivalist mindset of our political theatre. This sort of realpolitik in alliances is a model suited for foreign policy and war and should not be imported in domestic politics.

I do not contend that all politicians be prisoners of ideologies, however it would be easier to agree or disagree with them if they did take positions on issues slightly more complex than the eradication of corruption or reconciliation. A semblance of consistency will be appreciated. GK Chesterton once remarked in his vintage style, “the mind like the mouth has to close on something”. There is tremendous condescension in this presumption of childish gullibility of the people. It is almost impossible for a rational person to disagree with the edicts against corruption and renders them banal. Whereas a position on the precise role of religion in statecraft or questions of liberalisation (or not) of the economy will compel voters to make an opinion and pick a side. Admittedly, our political discourse is medieval because our society faces challenges which are primal. Be that as it may, the use of room temperature language and intuitive absolutist principles will only perpetuate this culture of backwardness.

In the absence of a programme, people are left with no option but to make their pick on the basis of personal charisma and inclination — they might as well flip a coin. They do not have to agree with anyone, since nobody is really saying anything. The aggregate agenda of our national politics is that everyone is against corruption, for change and ambivalent and semi-coherent about the Taliban and blasphemy laws. Very well then, take your pick.

Published in The Express Tribune, November 13th, 2011. 

COMMENTS (17)

Naveeda Shaikh | 12 years ago | Reply

While reading it, I have enjoyed the center point of the article that was ensuing the same thing in every argumentation. You are right - ideologies transformations do disturb the political arena. Thanks for the article, it helped me to develop my own viewpoint about it.

Was it really about blasphemy or individuals? Well, I would perceive as my mind conceived its center point while reading it.

Uzair arif | 12 years ago | Reply

well most of the readers here are criticizing the author's view on blasphemy,well people we must perceive it in a wider perspective,no one is saying that we should spare anybody who express contemptuous attitude towards the believes of islam,but having said that it is imperative that we must not let anybody use blasphemy laws for petty gains ;misuse of the law must be prevented ,this is something which i guess author stresses on.

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