TODAY’S PAPER | November 13, 2026 | EPAPER

The paradox of Pakistan's political parties

Imran Khan built much of PTI's political identity around challenging corruption, injustice and entrenched power


M Zeb Khan October 24, 2026 3 min read
The writer holds PhD in Administrative Sciences and teaches at the University of Plymouth, UK. Email: zeb.khan@plymouth.ac.uk

Pakistan's political parties suffer from a peculiar contradiction. The parties that encourage their workers to question authority risk being overwhelmed by internal revolt. Those that demand obedience may look disciplined, but they become helpless when their leadership is removed or pressured. One is noisy but fragmented; the other orderly but overly dependent. Neither has solved the problem of building an institution larger than its leader and this is what makes them vulnerable to implosion.

Imran Khan built much of PTI's political identity around challenging corruption, injustice and entrenched power. He encouraged ordinary supporters to speak against what they considered wrong. That message cultivated political confidence, but political empowerment is not the same as political organisation. Since Khan's imprisonment in 2023, PTI has struggled to translate an intensely committed support base into a coherent chain of democratic decision-making.

Workers accuse leaders of failing to pursue his release effectively; leaders face pressure from competing factions; and social-media commentators increasingly set the terms of internal debate. A public disagreement quickly becomes a test of loyalty. Someone asking for strategy is branded timid; someone urging talks is accused of betrayal. Party workers have every right to question decisions. Digital voices may expose failures that an inner circle would prefer to conceal. The problem begins when accusations replace evidence and online influence substitutes for authority derived from party members.

Who, then, speaks for PTI: elected officeholders, imprisoned leaders, street activists, overseas supporters or the loudest account on X? Without trusted rules, every faction claims to defend the founder while questioning everyone else's legitimacy. The deeper difficulty is the absence of a trusted referee. Where authority depends on personal access to a jailed founder, disagreements cannot be settled through regular procedures. Whoever claims the most authentic interpretation of the founder's wishes acquires influence without carrying the responsibilities of a formally accountable office.

Yet this is only one side of Pakistan's political paradox. In parties dominated by established families or entrenched elites, dissent often has limited influence on leadership succession. Workers may spend decades organising rallies and defending party leaders without gaining a realistic route to the top. Personal allegiance becomes the currency of advancement. Internal elections, where they occur, rarely settle fundamental questions of power. Such parties may display unity, but unity maintained by unequal access to power is not the same as institutional strength.

When pressure comes from outside, organisations with weak internal ownership can prove vulnerable to defections, patronage and negotiations conducted above the heads of ordinary members. This should not erase history. PPP workers and other opposition activists resisted Zia's dictatorship, notably through the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy. Many paid heavily for that resistance. The lesson is not that some parties have brave followers and others do not. It is that bravery cannot permanently substitute for institutions.

Meanwhile, Pakistan's civil–military imbalance makes these weaknesses more consequential. Political parties compete fiercely against one another, sometimes accepting interventions against rivals that they would condemn against themselves. The result is a familiar cycle: leaders rise with powerful backing, fall into confrontation, and discover that constitutional principles cannot be defended selectively. The October suspension of PTI's government in K-P, justified by federal authorities on security grounds and rejected by PTI as politically motivated, illustrates how sharply those constitutional disputes can escalate. With the government gone, divisions within the party have further widened rendering democracy weaker.

The tragedy is that Pakistan repeatedly produces powerful political personalities without producing equally powerful political institutions.

The next article will look into the way forward and reforms within political parties to make them strong, stable and credible!

COMMENTS (3)

shahid | 2 weeks ago | Reply Imran khan never wanted second in command in PTI he kicked out founding members of PTI and this one man show party now stand no where until he come out of jail.
Salman | 2 weeks ago | Reply This piece describes a real problem but draws wrong equality. It says parties that encourage workers to question authority risk being overwhelmed by internal revolt. Those that demand obedience may look disciplined but become helpless when leadership is removed and neither has solved problem of building institution larger than its leader PTI and family parties are not same paradox. In PML-N and PPP worker spends 20 years organising rallies and never gets route to top because top is reserved for family. Article itself says workers may spend decades organising rallies without gaining realistic route to top. Personal allegiance becomes currency of advancement and internal elections rarely settle fundamental questions of power In PTI worker questions leadership daily sometimes harshly. That s messy but that s party democracy. Noisy but alive is better than orderly but closed. Since Khan s imprisonment in 2023 PTI has struggled to translate committed support base into coherent chain of democratic decision-making Chain broke not because empowerment is not organisation but because organisation was criminalised. Since 2023 chairman in jail vice chairman in jail president in jail ECP declared intra-party elections invalid three times party symbol taken MPAs and MNAs forced to press conferences. When you jail elected officeholders and ban meetings coherent chain can t form. That s external repression not internal culture. Workers accuse leaders of failing to pursue his release leaders face pressure from competing factions social-media commentators increasingly set terms of debate and someone asking for strategy branded timid urging talks accused of betrayal This happens because formal channels blocked. Court orders say Khan can meet 6 lawyers 2 family orders not implemented. So who met last becomes source. If party office allowed to function list of authorised speakers would settle it. When office raided X account becomes office. Article asks Who speaks for PTI elected officeholders imprisoned leaders street activists overseas supporters or loudest account on X Without trusted rules every faction claims to defend founder and absence of trusted referee Ask same for PML-N who speaks Nawaz in London Shehbaz in Islamabad Maryam in Lahore Three different statements on same day. Who speaks for PPP Zardari or Bilawal When Bilawal says no to governor rule and Zardari signs it who is referee No family party has referee either but they are called disciplined because media doesn t report their fights. When pressure comes from outside organisations with weak internal ownership vulnerable to defections patronage and negotiations above heads of ordinary members True. But defections in PTI since 2022 were not due to weak ownership they were under pressure. Members say on record they were threatened. That s not weak ownership that s coercion. The most honest line Political parties compete fiercely sometimes accepting interventions against rivals that they would condemn against themselves and leaders rise with powerful backing fall into confrontation and discover constitutional principles cannot be defended selectively Correct. Selective defense is problem. When ANP couldn t control terrorism 2008-13 no emergency was imposed. When PTI can t control terrorism 2024-26 emergency imposed. If security is justification standard must be same for all. And October suspension of PTI s government in KP justified by federal on security grounds and rejected by PTI as politically motivated illustrates how sharply constitutional disputes can escalate. With government gone divisions have further widened rendering democracy weaker Divisions widened because government gone not because party has paradox. Remove any party s provincial government by presidential order and its MPAs will argue what to do meet establishment go to court protest. That is normal. Paradox is not that PTI is noisy and PML-N orderly. Paradox is that we call family control institutional strength and call internal debate implosion. Institutions are not built by silencing workers. They are built by letting them vote contest lose win. PTI s intra-party elections had more candidates than PML-N s in 30 years. That is institution messy as it is.
VIEW MORE COMMENTS
Replying to X

Comments are moderated and generally will be posted if they are on-topic and not abusive.

For more information, please see our Comments FAQ