May 9, 2022 will be remembered as one of the most consequential days in Pakistan's recent political history. In the wake of former Prime Minister Imran Khan's arrest, violent protests erupted across the country, targeting military installations in an unprecedented escalation. Protesters stormed army buildings, torched monuments and clashed with law enforcement in scenes that shocked the nation.
The state machinery swiftly blamed PTI for orchestrating the violence. Dozens of cases were registered against the party's leaders and workers, with serious accusations including sedition, terrorism and incitement against the armed forces. PTI, however, denied any organisational role in the violence and insisted that rogue elements had hijacked the protests. The party called for an independent judicial commission to ascertain the truth, but to no avail. No neutral or transparent inquiry has been held to date, leaving many questions unanswered and fuelling public scepticism.
In the absence of due process, the crackdown intensified. Imran Khan and several top leaders were arrested under various charges, with many still facing a trial or are behind bars. Thousands of workers were rounded up, and many remain in prison without formal convictions. Press conferences became a theatre of public disassociation, with prominent PTI figures announcing their departure from the party — often following their release from custody. The exodus appeared coordinated, and critics labelled it as coerced.
The party, once known for its centralised command and discipline, disintegrated into factions. Organisational structures were dismantled, and a narrative was aggressively built that PTI was an anti-state, anti-military outfit. This messaging not only damaged the party's public image but also painted its supporters as national security threats - further deepening polarisation.
A Surprising Comeback
Despite this systematic dismembering, PTI pulled off a dramatic comeback in the February 2024 general elections. Running under extreme constraints — limited campaign freedom, a hostile media environment and a leadership either jailed or underground — the party secured the largest number of seats in the National Assembly. It was a clear demonstration of its grassroots strength and public backing.
Yet, PTI was unable to translate its electoral win into executive power. Differences with PPP, which had initially shown interest in forming a coalition, remained unresolved. PTI leadership insisted on going solo, refusing to make compromises or build alliances with what the "status quo parties". This unwillingness to collaborate cost PTI the government and pushed it back to the opposition benches.
Still Outside the System
Since re-entering the parliament, PTI's conduct has remained combative and non-parliamentary. It continues to operate in isolation, refusing to engage in bipartisan efforts or policy dialogue. The party's approach is still rooted in the politics of rejection — rejecting the system, its institutions and political rivals — despite now being part of the same democratic framework.
This self-imposed isolation has been a recurring pattern. After losing the vote of no-confidence in April 2022 by just two votes, PTI chose to resign en masse from the National Assembly instead of consolidating its opposition role. That decision created a political vacuum, ultimately leading to its erasure from policymaking circles and the media landscape. The party's strategy of street agitation over parliamentary engagement backfired, marginalising it during key national debates.
Internally, PTI is anything but united. The leadership vacuum created by Khan's incarceration has yet to be filled credibly. There is growing suspicion that the party is being remotely managed by forces external to its own organisational structures. As a result, factions have emerged, each claiming to represent the party's 'true' vision.
These internal divisions have affected PTI's performance in the parliament, its ability to formulate policy alternatives, and even basic coordination within its ranks. The chain of command is unclear, and decision-making appears ad hoc. With no single voice commanding authority, the party risks losing its identity amid internal contradictions and external pressures.
Perhaps the most concerning development was PTI's decision to boycott a key National Security Council meeting convened to discuss escalating tensions with India. In doing so, the party missed an opportunity to contribute to national consensus during a time of potential conflict. Its absence was not just symbolic; it highlighted a refusal to engage in the most critical conversations about Pakistan's sovereignty and security.
This pattern of behaviour is not just undemocratic; it is politically irresponsible. Democracy requires participation, dialogue and compromise. PTI's refusal to work within the system, coupled with its demands for negotiations with the establishment, reflects a contradictory stance: seeking political power while refusing to play by democratic norms.
Pakistan's democracy cannot function without a vibrant and responsible opposition. PTI has the public mandate, but it must decide whether it wants to use it to strengthen the democratic process or to remain in perpetual confrontation. Rebuilding trust with political stakeholders, engaging in legislative processes and accepting institutional norms are essential steps for the party's political rehabilitation.
The time has come for PTI to evolve. Street politics may have helped build its movement, but statecraft requires maturity, dialogue and an understanding of how to operate within the rules. If PTI wishes to remain relevant and play a constructive role in shaping Pakistan's future, it must abandon its siege mentality and embrace democratic engagement — not just as a tactic, but as a principle.
Only then can it claim to be a party that represents not just dissent, but governance.
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