Lessons from Bangladesh uprising

Experts shed light on what really provoked people's wrath in Bangladesh


Rizwan Shehzad   August 06, 2024
Demonstrators demand justice for victims arrested and killed in the recent nationwide protests against job quotas, in Dhaka on Aug. 3, 2024. PHOTO: AFP

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ISLAMABAD:

On August 5, the weeks-long anti-government movement reached its climax, forcing Bangladesh PM Hasina Wajid to not only resign but to flee abroad.

While the founding father of a nation usually remains untouchable, this time, the anger spilt over to Sheikh Mujib, Hasina's father, as protestors were so enraged they even vented their fury on the statue of Sheikh Mujib, Hasina's father, while tearing through key government installations.

Although it all started with public outrage over the job quota system, which ensured government jobs for the descendants of those who participated in the country's 1971 war, some political analysts believe that Hasina's compromise on her democratic credentials and "manipulated elections" fanned the flames of discontent.

Despite being the longest-serving female ruler in Bangladesh, experts noted that muzzling the opposition and stifling dissent was a ticking time bomb. They pointed out that people, as well as powerful stakeholders, had reached the end of their tether, especially when she labelled the protestors as "terrorists."

The protests against the job quotas had sparked days of mayhem in July that reportedly killed around 300 people in some of the worst unrest of Hasina's around 15-year tenure.

"The real lesson here is that democracy requires tolerating the opposition and allowing for a peaceful transition in power through elections," Husain Haqqani, a former Pakistani ambassador to the United States, said, adding, "and even after the violent protests, the net result in Bangladesh is still only a military coup."

Although she was originally elected democratically amidst much hope, Haqqani, who is currently a scholar at Washington DC's Hudson Institute and the Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy in Abu Dhabi, said "Sheikh Hasina compromised her democratic credentials in later years."

Being an author who is considered an expert on radical Islamist movements, Haqqani shared that Hasina's removal from power is not just a popular revolt. "It has involved mobilization of Islamist extremists, attacks on religious minorities, and finally a military coup," he said.

Haqqani, who has also served as an advisor to four Pakistani prime ministers, noted that Pakistan's politicians need to learn the give-and-take of democracy and not let anyone's popularity be interpreted as a license to crush the opposition.

"If politicians adopt a tribal approach," he said, "military intervention is never far behind."

Amid a general notion that the triggering factor for the student movement was the unjustified restrictions imposed on freedom of expression, Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency (Pildat) President Ahmed Bilal Mehboob noted that PM Hasina was in power for about 15 years and that is too long for an "oppressive regime like hers".

"People finally decided that enough is enough," the PILDAT chief said. Being the head of Pildat, a prominent think tank dedicated to fostering democracy and effective governance, Mehboob noted the second reason was that Hasina's government was too close or subservient to India, which is not very popular with a large segment of the population.

"She heavily rigged the latest election," Mehboob, who keenly monitors the parliamentary proceedings and keeps an eye on the political developments here and abroad, said. "The lesson is that oppression has limits, and continuing one rule for so long through manipulated elections will provoke people's wrath," he concluded.

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