Iran’s revisionist misadventure — taking Pakistan for granted

Pakistan’s response was also strong message against potential adventurism by any state or non-state actors


Inam Ul Haque January 25, 2024
The writer is a retired major general and has an interest in International Relations and Political Sociology. He can be reached at tayyarinam@hotmail.com and tweets @20_Inam

The Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) with blessings from the top Iranian leadership carried out a combined drone and missile strike in Sabz Koh area in Panjgur District of Pakistani Balochistan on 16th January 2024, to target Jaish-el-Adl, Iran’s disenfranchised Baloch Sunni militant group. Pakistan after waiting for some plausible explanation or an apology from Tehran (in fact there were celebrations), retaliated on 18th January. In operation Marg Bar Sarmachar (Death to Militant), using “killer drones, rockets, loitering munitions, and stand-off weapons”, it targeted Baloch militants of BLA and BLF in Iran’s Sistan-o-Balochistan Province.

There are wild speculations about Iran’s motives for such attacks. Firstly, Iran is a revisionist state that exports its ideology and brand. So far, it was expanding its sphere of influence through proxies, Hizbullah, Hamas and Houthis, its “Axis of Resistance”. However, on 15 January, Iran fired ballistic missiles at Syria and Kurdish-controlled northern Iraq from Iran proper, opening a new phase in its geo-strategy, that of direct involvement. Kurdish and Syrian strikes were aimed at Mossad and ISIK (ISK). ISK’s Kerman suicide bombing on 03 January, causing around 100 Irani deaths was the immediate trigger, as Pasadaran-e-Inqilab (IRGC) were under immense pressure, first for intelligence failure and then for lack of response.

Secondly, Tehran feels compelled by other domestic challenges… a faltering economy; growing chasm between conservative elite and a restless younger citizenry at odds for lack of political expression and personal freedoms; and Iran feeling negatively spotlighted by the West Plus (US and the West). Amid heightened regional tensions, Tehran wanted to portray strength and demonstrate to its people, its ability to retaliate.

Thirdly, through drone-missile strikes, the Revolutionary Guard-dominated Iranian geostrategic elite wants to establish ‘neighbourly deterrence’. Tehran’s security calculus emphasises deterring possible alliance between neutral neighbours like Pakistan, and the West Plus-Arab (Saudi Arabia and the UAE) line up against it, in case of any conflict. Iran is cognizant of the deliberations in the West Plus to strike at the source of troubles, rather than at the (Iranian) proxies, given the Houthi overreach in the Red Sea, that upends global trade and commerce. The strikes were a demonstration of strength aimed at multiple actors.

Fourthly, strikes were also an effort to play up on the disenfranchisement between the State and the Street, existing in most Muslim countries for relatively mute response to the genocide in Gaza. Tehran aims to benefit from this chasm, to solidify its leadership credentials in the Muslim world.

Fifthly, revisionist Iran also considers Subcontinent/Pakistan and Afghanistan as its erstwhile zones of influence through religious, sectarian, historic, ethnic and linguistic affinity. It has traditionally been patronising in its relations with these countries, bordering arrogance. That Empire mindset of a civilisational superiority does come into play on and off. And in Pakistan’s apparent political disharmony, Tehran sensed an opportunity.

Sixthly, there is a lot of speculation that the strikes, in addition to being deterrent, were also making a sales pitch for Iranian drones and missiles. More on this next week.

These undercurrents influenced Iran to strike Pakistan, an attack more damaging to Iran than Pakistan. The fact that Pakistan responded after exhausting diplomatic options; responded in a measured, calibrated, proportionate and timely manner; and hinted at de-escalation demonstrates political and military maturity. Although Pakistan’s economy cannot withstand another war, war economies are not simply economists’ arithmetic; they have their own peculiar dimensions.

Pakistan’s response was also a strong message against potential adventurism by any state or non-state actors using foreign lands. It also brought the decisiveness of the present military leadership into a resolute focus. If any power expected to make Balochistan into another FATA by pushing Pakistan into a four-front war (India, Afghanistan, Internal and Iran), those hopes are dashed for now. Pakistan has demonstrated zero tolerance against foreign-based militants (TTP, BLA, BLF, etc) and would respond to their incursions cis and trans-frontier. Tehran has also been amply warned that it can no longer host ‘Baloch proxies’ vis-à-vis Pakistan.

De-escalation was natural, logical and in the interest of both states. The almost immediate climbing down from the escalation ladder implies possible disagreement between the Clergy-IRGC combine and the wider Irani military establishment over the strikes, gleaned from the facts that the attack took place on the day when the Irani FM met Pakistan’s PM in Davos; and when both Irani and Pakistani navies were conducting bilateral drills in the Gulf; and there were multiple channels of communication open, etc. Iran, rationally, could hardly afford a conflict with Pakistan, given its situation. So, it seems an apparent IRGC miscalculation in desperation, so, de-escalation was wise. A revisionist, revolutionary Iran can also be a rational actor. It has avoided a war with the US/Israel so far and has restrained its proxy Hizbullah also in doing so.

Pakistan’s tit-for-tat response without a knee-jerk reaction also enhanced its stature and relevance among important capitals. It also relatively solidified Pakistan’s inner front, curtailing anti-Army and anti-General officer propaganda by the misled cadre and supporters of PTI.

De-escalation was also advised, urged and facilitated by China, Turkey and Russia through discreet diplomacy and messaging. Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning on 17 December urged both sides to show “restraint” and “avoid … escalation”. Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan spoke to Pakistani and Irani FMs immediately after Pakistan’s counter strikes, urging restraint, highlighting the “region does not need more problems and conflicts”. Russia’s foreign ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova asked both countries — member states of Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) — to show “maximum restraint”, settle for diplomacy and avoid being used by forces inimical to regional peace.

UN Secretary General Atonio Guterres and the US added weight to the calls for peaceful resolution. The West Plus cannot afford another conflict after the frozen war in Ukraine, the genocide in Gaza and the wider violence-laced instability in the Middle East. There is just no stomach for another war.

Looking beyond the crisis, both countries, especially Iran, would have to commit to not hosting anti-Pakistan elements on its soil as sponsoring Baloch terrorist outfits will force Pakistan likewise. Each crisis has a silver lining, and this one would compel both countries to establish robust mechanisms to avoid a repeat.

And it sends a strong message to nemesis that Pakistan cannot be taken for granted, despite internal political squabbling, and will not hesitate to retaliate, whatever the cost.

Published in The Express Tribune, January 25th, 2024.

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COMMENTS (4)

Saleem Akhtar Malik | 10 months ago | Reply Whereas they accuse each other of terrorism both Iran and Pakistan wittingly or unwittingly have been involved in proxy wars against each other for a long time. Both countries have a roller coaster relationship. Iran was the first country to recognize Pakistan as an independent state and in March 1950 Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was the first head of any state to make an official state visit to Pakistan. Reza Shah s rule ended on 16 January 1979. He fled Iran and sought refuge and medical treatment in several countries including Egypt Morocco the Bahamas and Mexico. He eventually settled in Egypt where he lived until he died in 1980. With the end of Reza Shah s rule and the emergence of the Khomeini-led Islamic Republic of Iran the Pak-Iran relationship entered a new phase that was reciprocated despite Pakistan s sincere and best efforts by Iran s lack of trust. Perhaps the clerics in Tehran were wary of Pakistan s close ties with the US and the conservative Sunni regime of Saudi Arabia. In 2003 the president of Iran Mohammad Khatami visited India as the chief guest for India s Republic Day parade. During the visit he and the Indian prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee signed the New Delhi Declaration which became the basis of a strategic relationship between the two countries. Two months later Iranian and Indian warships conducted joint naval exercises. The extent to which Iran would extend cooperation to India during such conflict is known in Pakistan. India is also using border areas of Afghanistan and Iran as staging areas for launching covert operations against Pakistan. Since the 1990s India has tried to outflank Pakistan and open up a route to Afghanistan and Central Asia. The port of Chabahar next to Gwadar is central to India s intentions. India and Iran agreed to develop Chabahar in 2003 but the venture moved slowly because of the sanctions over Iran s nuclear programme. India thinks its presence in Chabahar will neutralize the Chinese presence in Gwadar. Besides Chahbahar India has also teamed up with the US KSA UAE and Israel to promote the India Middle East Europe Corridor. Had it not been for the spanner thrown by Hamas the proposed corridor would have become another threat to the CPEC. Iran along with India is also supporting various separatist Baloch groups that have sprouted along the coastal belt of Balochistan since the 1960s. Pakistan s response to the threat from Iran cannot be isolated from the threats we are already facing along our borders with India and Afghanistan. Presently we have two military lines the LoC in Jammu Kashmir and the border fence along the Durand Line In the process of being converted into a military line . Soon there will be a third military line along the Pak- Iran border. With the Pakistan Army locked into a confrontation with three of its four neighbors this amounts to a sheer failure of Pakistan s foreign policy.
Prats | 10 months ago | Reply Hahahhaha. Cannot deal with TTP and talk about 4 feont war and resolve of the army. Joke of the century.
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