The US paradigm shift over China

The basic premise of the US umbrage toward China is the growing intolerant view of the White House that Beijing has evolved into Washington’s rival with openness of its market and support. This conviction leads to thinking: America can obstruct China’s development too and pale the East Asian country’s international approbation by scaling back cooperation, imposing economic and technological sanctions and building alliances.

More recently, the misguided construct — China pursues to replace America as the world hegemon through economic, diplomatic, military and technology prowess — has intensified within the US. Washington seems to be frustrated by the failure of its “China Fantasy” — draw the Asia giant to the Western liberalisation and make it more like the West — and is undertaking an unabashed approach to rein in Beijing. The US diplomats have openly warned Chinese economic growth and defence and space capabilities can threaten America’s global economy, hegemony and interests. Since 1974 when Deng Xiaoping addressed the United Nations General Assembly to Xi Jinping, every Chinese leader has denied seeking hegemony regardless how powerful Beijing becomes.

China’s consistent stance and diplomatic engagement has largely persuaded the world to defy America’s paradigm shift on alleged Chinese ambitions to dominate the global economic, technological and strategic ecosystem. Washington piggybacks to supercharge Chinese growth. It’s albeit pre-1978 China. The International Monetary Fund estimated that the country had seen a growth of 6% as it patted rural enterprises and private businesses, liberalised foreign trade and investment, relaxed state control and invested in industrial production and education. The efforts paid off and the Chinese economy expanded at an average real growth rate of more than 9% in the coming years. In the 1990s, some analysts even predicted the Chinese economy will be “larger than” that of the US in about 20 years.

A “surprise conclusion” of the Fund in 1997 found China’s increased worker efficiency — as well as expansion of new factories, manufacturing machineries and communication systems — provided an impetus to China’s economy. The “newest” economic wonder in Asia then actualised in “the most impressive miracle of any economy in the history” in recent times. On assuming office, President Joe Biden quickly accused China of practising economic “abuses and coercion”, walking back from his promise to unite American nation that is now more divided than in the Vietnam War. His China policy says Beijing is “taking advantage of the openness” of the US economy and “dominate key strategic sectors”.

Biden, at least, lacks the moral ground to slate Chinese economic expansion for he, during his first trip to Beijing in 1979, had personally witnessed the changes that were being taken to “spark China’s remarkable, absolutely remarkable transformation”. The young member of a US Foreign Relations Committee had sought America and the West to stop debating whether a “rising China” was in its or the wider world’s interest as such a state “is a positive, positive development” for everyone. For a world going through unprecedented turbulence and transformation, unrestricted cooperation between China and the US isn’t discretionary; it’s absolute imperative. As the Beijing-Washington relationship runs out of room for further deterioration, extensive efforts are urgently required to get the most critical relations back to normal.

Already, the intensifying China-US rivalry has impeded bilateral cooperation on major global challenges such as vaccine distribution and economic and peace crises management. Tariffs are aggravating uncertainty over international trade and global supply chains. The Asia-Pacific is being forced to choose between economic interests with China and security guarantees of the US. In his call with Xi this March, Biden reiterated the US doesn’t aim to change China’s system, doesn’t want a cold war with China, doesn’t support “Taiwan’s independence”, and the US-led coalitions aren’t targeted against China. He assured his Chinese counterpart about his eagerness to hold candid dialogue and closer cooperation, vouching to remain committed to one-China principle. Biden’s assurances to manage competition between the two countries, maintain open lines of communications with China and follow up on the conversations are good; but not good enough to set the course for a better world in the 21st century.

Tempus fugit! In the “critical period ahead”, some tangible actions are needed from both sides to demonstrate they really intend to restore trust and seek cooperation from one another. Unfortunately, the US president’s avowals to handle differences and strategic risks haven’t been reflected in the China-US talks. From Alaska and Tianjin to Singapore summit, the Biden administration continues to touch upon every single issue that pollutes the climate of cooperation and exposes disproportionate disparities between the two world’s biggest economies. China is a country with “significant economic and strategic interests” for America and the world.

The US needs to wake from its slumber of swallowing up any country that it feels could challenge its global hegemony. Washington should act like a responsible international state, which has the mettle to stomach the rise of developing countries and take them along for a stable and thriving world. It’s no more an era that can endure another cold war-defined world order. Coming out from the shock of China’s rise and a change of both perception about Beijing and the adversarial aspect of the Washington’s China policy will help Biden to engage in a meaningful dialogue with the Middle Kingdom.