Of conspiracies, treacheries and self-interest

The Mughals ruled over the Indian subcontinent for 330 years. Starting from Babur, the early rulers were commanders of their armies and therefore kept expanding their territory in the subcontinent, while also keeping strict governance. But after Aurangzeb, the kings became increasingly court-bound, forsaking both the horseback and the will to battle. So much so that most states became autonomous in their matters, only having to pay some annual tribute to Delhi.

It seems that in allowing the British, French, Dutch and Portuguese to build trading post at different port points along the coasts, the Mughals were not considering them as foreigners occupying their lands but only as more tribute payers. They were not of any menace to Delhi, but the states where they were occupying ports and gradually fortifying them were having to face their intrigues.

In particular, Ali Vardi Khan of Bengal was suspicious of both the British and the French, and disallowed them to fortify their respective posts at Calcutta and Chandernagore. After him, his grandson, Siraj-ud-Daulah, proved to be more resilient. He had three battles with Capt Robert Clive — twice over his attempts to fortify the Port, and thirdly over his unilateral attack on the French post, whom the Nawab considered to be under his protection.

Sadly, there were all sorts of dissentious elements in the Nawab’s court, and their self-interest forced them to ally with the Nawab’s enemies. There was Ghaseti Begum, the Nawab’s wealthy aunt who wanted another nephew to be made the Nawab; there was Omichand, whose trade interests were more allied with the British than with his own people; there were the extremely rich Jagat Seths, termed the greatest bankers of the world at that time, who practically controlled the economy of Bengal; and there were the Nawab’s three generals, Yar Lutuf Khan, Rai Durlab and Mir Jafer.

Thus, all who were closest to the Nawab were even closer to Capt Clive and his trade negotiator, William Watts. The Jagat Seth offered Rs30 million to the British for the campaign against the Nawab. The Nawab sensing the growing power of the British over him decided to align with the French so that the two forces could be joined against them. But what the Nawab could not sense was that his own force was infiltrated with treacherous elements.

A conspiracy was brewed between the British, the Jagat Seths, and the three generals. On June 5, 1757, the British signed a secret treaty, promising Mir Jafar that as soon as they got rid of Siraj, he would be made the next Nawab. So, a few weeks later, at the very eve of the Battle of Plassey, three of the four flanks that had lined up in the battleground were under the command of Mir Jafer, Yar Latif and Rai Durlab — and only one flank under Mir Madan was left loyal and ready to fight. The three generals refused all commands from the Nawab, and the battle was lost.

Later within three years, Mir Jafer was deposed by the British; Ghaseti Begum and her lot were drowned in a boat accident; and the new Nawab organised the killing of several members of the Jagat family leading to the decline of their enormous wealth and business clout; and Capt Clive was appointed Governor of Bengal, by the Crown, in 1765. This victory opened the whole of Bengal to the British; they were its effective kingmakers now, and from here they now planned the capturing the whole of North India.

This is the story of every treachery; those who conspire against their own are expected to go on ‘doing more’ until the whole state has been lost to the occupiers, and the moment they fail to do so, they are also eliminated. This is a story of a strong centre in the British Crown and loyalty to it, versus a weak centre in Delhi and no loyalty between it and the states. This is a story of putting self-interests above the interests of the nation. And this is a story of having no foreign policy against outside opportunist imperialist powers.

Compare this with the situation of Pakistan today. The US, considering itself having a footing inside Pakistan and having co-conspirators in the soil, deems itself as a viceroy who will dictate our foreign policy. Like Siraj-ud-Daulah was not allowed to make a foreign policy with the French at that time, we are not allowed to make the same with China and Russia. Like Delhi was boozed up in self-glamour and luxuries, blinded away from the realities of the outside powers that were planning to devour the whole of India, so are we.

And consider the repercussions of that past on our present and future. A treachery made 265 years ago led to the systematic fall of the whole subcontinent at the hands of the British who ruled the subcontinent for about a hundred years and have been forced out of our land some 75 years ago. Yet, Britain harbours so many of our potential conspirators. And yet, it tries to assume a viceroy role, as in having the 2006 Charter of Democracy signed in London, and having our Cabinet sit in Avenfield to jot out the plan for the future of Pakistan.

How does a state-centred foreign policy weigh on the present and future of a country, and how far into our future does it carry on? And how does the basic human instinct for power and hegemony never diminish, even when we are at the so-called epitome of knowledge, technology and civilisation? These are basic questions we need to ask ourselves. We need to understand that at the core of global politics lie the principles of ‘power’ and ‘control’, and that the powerful and the control-lovers are always enticing and baiting upon weak elements of a state to help them break it and have its fortunes open to them. The average person is peace-loving and engaged in a strife for survival, but the powerful, imperial-minded are always out for a hunt.

Nations that forget to act like unified, conscious entities, and are unmindful of the essential trait of global politics of ‘kill or be killed’, are most likely going to be killed or at least be swallowed up as ration to sustain the hegemony of the hegemons.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 20^th, 2022.

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