Back in the game?

Imran Khan, a man with volatile life, is riding a popular wave again after having hit the lowest ebb of popularity intermittently during his rule. Is the public outburst at his ouster a mere transient phenomenon or signifies some deep feelings of betrayal over time? What if the public outcry is not heard this time? Is overengineering by institutions (or the individuals heading them) good for the state and society?

Imran Khan, for all his faults in governance and excessive compromises, has developed an aura of invincibility, resistance and honesty around his person. He understands the pulse of time and mood of his followers not to mention his ability to build a narrative that sells. In a country of 220 million people with so much diversity, it is only natural to have some opposing views on many issues, but Imran Khan has still succeeded in stealing the thunder of his three political rivals — PML-N, PPP, and JUI-F.

Despite not having religious credentials in the traditional sense coupled with a playboy history, Imran Khan presents himself as a devout follower of the last Messenger of God (peace be upon him) and strong advocate of Islamic values of love, compassion and justice. He makes frequent references to the state of Madina as an ideal model for rule of law, social welfare and inclusive development. Instead of overemphasising the private aspects of religion, he gives primacy to ethics, spirituality and human freedom as the cornerstone of Islamic way of life. By talking against Islamophobia in the West and ignorance of Muslims about their faith, Imran Khan has made inroads into the constituency of religious political parties, especially the JUI-F.

Another area of interest for Imran Khan — where Muslim League (now diffused into different factions with PML-N as the leading political party) historically enjoyed popular appeal — has been the notion of Pakistaniat or Pakistani nationalism. He consistently refers to Allama Iqbal and Quaid-e-Azam as his ideals in his speeches and writings and believes that the ideology of Pakistan is the only force that keeps the country together. PTI, and not Muslim League, is being persistently portrayed as the true embodiment of Pakistani nationalism and symbol of federation.

The third political force, Pakistan Peoples Party, which took pride in serving the marginalised sections of society and founded on the principles of socialism, has had a losing fight with Imran Khan’s PTI. Having set up a state-of-the-art cancer hospital (SKMH) and a world-class university (NAMAL) in a remote area, besides initiating many social welfare projects (low-cost housing, langarkhana for labourers, need-based education scholarships, sehat card, etc), Imran Khan has outsmarted the PPP in projecting himself as Messiah of the poor. The socialism mantra of PPP has lost its popular appeal as it once had during the era of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

All this discourse of Imran Khan, founded on religious worldview, nationalistic aspirations and pro-poor orientation, cannot be easily undone through intrigues and forced conversion of some individuals. It is in essence the outcome of political competition and should better be left to politicians to decide how it can be taken to the court of citizens. Vital state institutions should maintain political neutrality. What we see in Pakistan is a persistent institutional decline manifested by whimsical response to crises and a tendency to make laws subservient to personal ambitions. How unfortunate it is that individuals are now more powerful than institutions they head!

Published in The Express Tribune, April 28^th, 2022.

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