![the writer is a senior political economist the writer is a senior political economist](https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Dr-Pervez-Tahir1628187701-0/Dr-Pervez-Tahir1628187701-0.jpg)
The bad news on economy and polity has overshadowed the worst news on higher education. How low can it go? First the government showed indecent haste in passing ordinance upon ordinance to curtail the tenure of the chairperson of the Higher Education Commission (HEC) with the undisguised intent of getting rid of the incumbent. Islamabad High Court set this right by restoring the chairperson. By then, however, only a few months were left to complete the tenure. Instead of waiting for things to take their corrected course, the government has gone into appeal in the Supreme Court. Again, instead of waiting for the verdict of the highest forum of justice, the government used the members of the HEC it appointed illegally during the pendency of the case in the Islamabad High Court to pass a resolution to render the incumbent non-functional. The mover of the resolution was no less than the Secretary Education herself and the shaker was another former secretary, now the Executive Director of the HEC on extension after superannuation. Power and authority have been transferred to the Executive Director. One used to hear that the female of the specie called the DMG always acted above board. That image has been tarnished, as is the image of the party that committed in its manifesto: “We will remove political influence and create an independent, transparent mechanism to select Vice Chancellors and senior administrators.”
Sadly, all this manoeuvring is part of the great game played by a Musharraf lackey who, claiming direct access to the top man in authority, has been marketing alchemy in the name of knowledge revolution since the days of the dictator. So far, he has resisted the audit of whatever was produced in the name of knowledge. The entire system of higher education in the country has been held to ransom. Autonomy, quality and accountability are the three main issues to be addressed. To be true, the real knowledge economy stands on these three pillars. But the events of the last nine months or so have subverted the little autonomy that existed and reduced the HEC to the status of an attached department of the federal education ministry. Quality has taken a back seat. It is a violation of the Constitution, as the federation represented by the HEC has to ensure “standards in institutions for higher education and research”, (Federal List, Part II, item 12). A crucial set of initiatives taken by the incumbent chairperson to improve quality have been rolled back. A penchant for quantitative expansion in the form of new universities before consolidation of the existing universities compromises quality. Such expansion creates opportunities for private gain at public expense. This is where the accountability systems assume significance. But with HEC members parachuted in recently, transparency and accountability have no chance. These shenanigans call into question the claims of the government being a champion of accountability.
Is it too late to remind the PTI of its own manifesto? It diagnosed the problem: “At the higher education level, research volume and quality is limited, and university administration is highly politicised.” A solution was given: “We will establish a National Commission for Education Standards that will issue a ‘revised minimum standards list within 6 months of its constitution.” Still more on quality: “We will create partnerships with international universities to improve teaching and research quality and will incentivise research quality (as judged by international benchmarks) as opposed to research volume.”
The forgotten promise of local governance was redeemed by the Supreme Court. Hopefully, quality higher education is next.
Published in The Express Tribune, February 11th, 2022.
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