1. The strength of the Planning Commission document lies in the fact that it draws upon the literature of the New Institutional Economics (NIE) to raise new issues, although, in a superficial and partial fashion. Its weakness is that it neither identifies the central postulates of the new science nor applies them to the specific features of Pakistan’s political economy. For example, the PC Doc correctly argues for liberating markets from the government’s direct participation in agriculture, storage, transport and construction, but makes the heroic assumption that this will necessarily lead to increased investment and efficiency through private sector involvement. This argument ignores the central postulate of the NIE that markets are not necessarily always efficient: whether markets are efficient or inefficient depends on the institutional structure within which they are located. Instead of providing research on Pakistan’s markets and specifying which set of institutional changes will make them function efficiently, the PC Doc simply invokes traditional market ideology.
2. The PC Doc proposes quite correctly that increased competition, greater innovation and productivity will lead to greater efficiency and faster growth, yet fails to tell us how we can get there. This simplistic articulation of axioms ignores the second major postulate of NIE: the prevailing institutional structure — in undeveloped countries like Pakistan — systematically restricts competition precisely as a device for generating rents for the ruling coalition of elites. This exclusivist institutional structure persists because the restriction of competition enables the elites to maintain power, by configuring markets characterized by selection based on nepotism, corruption, provision of subsidies and protection for a dependent private sector characterized by inefficiency, low productivity and lack of innovation. This persistence of a rent based institutional structure is called Path Dependence in the NIE. Analysing the specific nature of “path dependence” in Pakistan would be a prerequisite for proposing policies for institutional change. The PC Doc demonstrates a charming innocence of this requirement of rigour.
3. My own research shows that not only are markets located in a specific institutional framework, but this institutional framework is in turn configured by the power structure within which it is embedded. Therefore, a credible policy document which propounds institutional change must necessarily examine the dynamics of Pakistan’s power structure and how it maintains a rent based institutional structure. The PC Doc side steps this intellectual obligation.
4. The PC Doc which purports to focus on institutional change, ignores another major contribution of the new literature on institutional economics, namely the concept of ‘social order’. The ‘social order’ combines institutions and organizations within the economic sphere with those in the political and ideological spheres. The central development challenge for public policy and action is to initiate a process of change that would shift Pakistan from a ‘limited access social order’ (restricted competition and rent-based) to an ‘open access social order’, characterised by broad based competition, efficiency, innovation, productivity increase and sustained growth. The PC Doc by focusing exclusively on the economy ignores the changes required in the rules and norms of the political, military and ideological spheres. Institutional changes in these spheres are a necessary condition for institutional changes in the economy, which would place Pakistan on a new path of sustained growth.
Published in The Express Tribune, July 25th, 2011.
COMMENTS (6)
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@Meekal Ahmed:
You should get out of your new IMF-economics. The world of economic thought and growth strategies are more diverse than your budget-balancing undergrad approach. Nadeemul Haq has given a vision for new thinking for economic growth in Pakistan. The growth framework talks of approaches and challenges the foundations of thinking not the econometrics which has to be used for calculations.
@Fahad Hasan:
Fully agree on the issue of waste in the PC.
The "new" strategy has to have numbers. Where are the numbers so one can check their consistency. Growth is assumed to rise to about 7% per annum. What is the savings-investment balance that underlies this? What does the fiscal deficit (more broadly the public sector deficit) look like? What are the tax and spending assumptions? What about the external side?
I think Dr. Akmal is assured some consultancy in the project. To criticize entire existing framework and credibility of PC Doc, we have to see mess being created in the PC itself. The current Deputy Chairman is distancing himself from Vision 2030 and at the same time appointing a Project Director and waisting public money on it. Planning Commission is home to around 30 wasteful projects whcih are just providing employment to many retired officers and blocking the promotion of young energetic people. If PC put its own house in order, it will enhance the credibility of its own. PC is at the moment wasting resources on Seminars in five star hotels without practical implications.
I agree with Dr. Akmal but who will tie the bell around cat's neck. Institutional structures emerge from social fermentation and political articulation. I regrettably don’t see that happening in Pakistan in the near future. Neither the renteir nature of the state going to change nor the powerful elite going to change their modus operandi. Given this it is a good effort on the part of Planning Commission to set the foundation for something to build. Time frame model (mentioned in the first point) is restrictive in nature.
If the “Framework for Economic Growth in Pakistan” opens up a new terrain for policy thinking and public action; Then the previous PC bunch must be really handicapped in the thinking department without this wonderful document. Doc!. I think the planning commission's only work is to tell the State Bank how much currency notes to print. If Pakistan is showing signs of Planning its got to be a very sick country.
Dr. Akmal has made a very interesting observation from the perspective of new institutional economics. I am afraid that much of what forms the NGS is standard neoliberal economics of Chicago school. It mostly depends on cross-sectional methodology and ignores the longitudinal ones. Longitudinal methods perforce make analysis of institutions without a divorce to history. NGS for example tries to argue for global standard institutions (GSIs) to be transplanted from the developed world to Pakistan. Since all the now developed countries today have GSIs therefore to become developed such GSIs must be put in place. This is the mistake which cross-sectional economics does.
As a matter of fact, institutions get a shape in a very complex environment which is neither easily changes as IMF-WB tends to believe nor so sticky as culture-climate school believes.
The PC Doc can be seem perhaps as containing the good, the bad, and the ugly. The good part is desire to change things specially to bring the focus back on growth and urban areas to take a front seat. The bad is when does it loses the sense of history and social dynamics/power structure. The ugly part starts with a belief in market fundamentalism,