What’s more worrying is that the economy fundamentally remains dependent on foreign transfusion. And our mandarins give the assurance of CPEC as though it is the panacea for all our economic and financial ills. This is not to belittle the contribution it can make in strengthening our economy provided it is implemented with the same vigour and efficiency, as is being displayed by the Chinese side.
Indeed Pakistan can take great satisfaction in having a strong political, economic and strategic partnership with China. But to optimise the benefits Pakistan has to focus on developing self-reliance and assimilating the positives of this relationship.
A major national weakness that persists is that our major state institutions fail to work in unison and are mostly working at cross-purposes. There is no unified direction and the civilian leadership does not give the impression of being in full control. A major reason for this state of affairs is the imbalance in civil-military relations. The army’s historical dominant position has not changed and casts a strong imprint on foreign, defence and security policies. The only way this can change if the PM would rely on holding regular cabinet meetings, attend parliament religiously and lead the debate on major national and foreign policy issues. Even this will not alter the situation overnight but will at least initiate a process whereby civil authority could be restored over a period of time.
Over-reliance on a single institution is neither in the interest of the institution nor the state. Militaries of democratic countries whether it be the US, Britain, Germany or India that are subservient to civil authority are held in high esteem both at home and abroad. No doubt, our armed forces are also highly respected for its professional competence but only when it gets involved in a political role that controversies take root. We need to remind ourselves that every time the military was forced to relinquish political power from Gen Ayub to Gen Musharraf the country went through a mega crisis of transition. Moreover, for balanced development of all major state institutions it is crucial that space is provided and an environment conducive to their development is created. This can only be achieved if institutions remain within their constitutional boundaries.
Given a chance democracy is expected to provide institutional strength. It is encouraging that despite heavy odds our parliament is functioning, albeit below the optimum. If the ruling and opposition party’s would use the forum of parliament for addressing national issues more frequently instead through media it would do Pakistan great service.
Although India and Pakistan became independent at the same time, our problems were far more complex. India had a distinct advantage of having a well-established political party in the Congress that had a history of leading the freedom movement. The Muslim League was in its infancy and most of its leaders and followers came from those places that formed part of India. In terms of education, too, Pakistan was lagging behind. And the physical infrastructure was scant and mostly in a state of disrepair.
Geo-politics too played a major role in shaping Pakistan’s internal institutional power structure. Its impact has been mostly negative as the US and the West was more interested in building the military and less concerned with Pakistan’s civil institutions. This trend was most pronounced during the Cold War and after 9/11.
If we look at South Korea, Malaysia, Singapore they are counted among developed countries although they got their independence about the same time or even later than us. Granted they had a distinct advantage that their population was more educated and societies relatively more homogenous.
Pakistan cannot continue to carry the burden of having highly adversarial relations with two of its neighbours, India and Afghanistan. True, it may not be realistic to expect any forward movement with India, much that Nawaz Sharif and most of the political parties would have desired. At this time Prime Minister Narendra Modi is flying too high and engaged in diplomatic embrace with major powers. His belligerent mood towards Pakistan has brought the relationship at a precipice.
But Pakistan should make every possible move to win back the confidence of Afghanistan. This would not be easy considering the current level of hostility and Indian influence on Kabul. However, there are compelling factors for both countries to move away from their “self-righteous” positions. Without a cooperative effort, peace in the region would be a mirage.
Rapprochement with Afghanistan is crucial to win back the trust and confidence of the US. If Washington sees Pakistan cooperating with Kabul then relations with it in all probability would improve. Because for the US, Afghanistan remains its greatest foreign policy dilemma and any move by Pakistan that helps bring peace would be widely welcome.
Iran is a brotherly Muslim country, which shares about 1,000-kilometre border with us. It blames Pakistan that anti-state elements use its territory for launching attacks in Iran’s Baluchistan. Relations with Tehran have further soured since Pakistan joined the Saudi-led military alliance and General Raheel Sharif assumed its command. Improving relations with Iran and restoring mutual confidence is crucial for stabilising the western border and for internal sectarian harmony.
No doubt, Pakistan at 70 is beset with innumerable problems that appear grave and debilitating. What gives hope is the incredible resilience and great talent of our ordinary people. A better future awaits us provided we are able to harness the social, economic and technological potential of our people through education and good governance.
Published in The Express Tribune, July 12th, 2017.
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