The writer is a PhD candidate and coordinator of the South Asia Study Group at the University of Sydney
Transformation, institutional or national, requires foremost a regular and uninterrupted change in leadership that can bring forth new ideas, and modernise the system. While the change in leadership in Pakistan typically refers to a change in the government, an even more important change in leadership is required within our political parties that can serve to strengthen the house by producing and grooming the future leaders of the country.
Unfortunately, in Pakistan there is no retirement age in politics, which is why despite the 65 per cent youth bulge, the current parliament and the political leadership hosts the same faces from the 1970s and 1980s, unable to understand the needs of modern societies or represent the new generation of Pakistan. Politicians around the world do retire, but in places where they don’t, the political system is either rigged or at risk of being rigged. Hence, the entry and exit points in a political system are as important as the holding of elections themselves.
Our entire political brass is too old to fathom the needs of a modern society and emerging technologies, and hence is at a disadvantage when it comes to developing a vision that can resolve Pakistan’s pressing issues. Moreover, the current political brass has been involved in politics for so long that while it may be exceptional at winning elections, holding massive rallies and carrying out other electoral activities, it has little or no capacity to deliver on serious issues.
Also, the current political brass has stemmed out of agitation and activism against military dictatorships and hence has little to offer beyond poetic resistance against the establishment. This is true especially in the case of the PPP that thrives on the narrative of ‘martyrdom’ and ‘agitation’ and continues to win in Sindh despite having the worst track record of development among the political parties that have ruled in various parts of the country.
Hence, for the PPP to remove Qaim Ali Shah as chief minister of Sindh is a positive step but the problem doesn’t end there. The entire PPP political leadership, from top to bottom, the Gilanis to the Makhdooms, is a burden to the party and needs to be pushed back from running its affairs if the party plans to survive the next elections in which it is likely to lose seats even in Sindh.
Similarly, in the PML-N, while it is better than the PPP in allowing new people and faces to emerge within the party fold, the old guard still jealously runs the show, oftentimes creating a political or governance mess due to its preconceived notions about institutions or internal rivalries.
The younger political lot, with newer ideas and a fresh approach to politics is emerging out of the established political families in Pakistan. These young politicians face major resistance to their ideas right from their own families, which are strongly embedded in traditional politics. Given the lack of diversity in parliament and the continuation of family politics, the systemic change needed in our politics appears highly unlikely, especially when barriers to entry into Pakistan’s political arena are still too high for the average individual to break into. For those already involved and established in the political space in the country, there is very little drive to disrupt the ongoing political system.
The ageing issue isn’t just limited to politics alone. Pick any sector or industry in Pakistan and one would notice the same trend: people from the 1960s and 1970s not retiring and continuing to block the entrance for newcomers while in the process corrupting the system because of their overlong stay. Be it the legal field, the academia or businesses, the old guard not letting go is becoming practically the biggest barrier to change in the country.
The military, in this regard, may be an interesting case study to look at as an institution in Pakistan where entry and exit points are carefully controlled and a new crop is able to keep the institution professional and up to date. It is for a reason that whenever there is a military coup, no other institution suffers more than the military institution itself by disrupting the change process and allowing a few men to stay in power longer than necessary.
Compare the institutional model of the military to that of politics and one may find reasons regarding why there exists such a civil-military imbalance, along with solutions to what may be needed to enhance the authority of the civilian political leadership in the country. A retirement age for politicians within political parties may be a good way to start the change process.
Published in The Express Tribune, July 30th, 2016.
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