Where the state is strong but societies weak, conspiracy theories abound in finding a fertile ground.
Conspiracy theories have persisted in all societies since time immemorial. Especially in cases of closed and subjugated polities and in turbulent periods and unsure transitions, they gather momentum and tend to become rampant. It is intriguing as to why the Islamic world in general and South Asian culture, including Pakistan, in particular, are prone to conspiracies and intrigues. Maybe their colonial history, culture and adverse circumstances makes them more prone to them. It is ironic that with globalisation, dissemination of education and with the availability of greater information and technology the people of these regions should still continue to wallow in false assumptions, wild speculations and downright conspiracy mongering.
A phenomenon, present or future, when combined with lack of information, heresy and ideologically repetitive narratives, leads to conspiracy theorising. It attributes the ills and pains of a body politic to external forces (foreign or internal communities or groups) perceived as disloyal to the state or its enemies. Not considered friendly but hostile and purportedly responsible for problems facing the state, they are often hounded, face discrimination and even persecution.
Why are conspiracy theories trumped persistently and the narrative turned into a refrain? Easily invoked and accepted without criticism, they become unchallengeable and are swallowed without any iota of doubt. As they appeal to human beings’ baser feelings of suspicion and hatred and without empirical verification, they become the gospel truth. Often state education, culture and history tend to shape these discourses and, over time, they become a part and parcel of state ideology. Media, education and politics reinforce them further by constant repetition.
In many agrarian, feudal and closed societies, obviously deficit in democratic norms and practices, the plant of conspiracies grows thick and fast. Where the state is strong but societies weak, these theories abound in finding a fertile ground. One-sided narratives and stereotypical descriptions and reliance on the ‘we-they’ syndrome are the norms. With no counter-narratives to change them, a biased and jaundiced version is manufactured. Historically, examples of fascist Germany, Italy, Cold War stereotyping of each other by the US and the Soviet Union and Third World dictatorships are some illustrative examples.
Conspiracy theories make for a lazy analysis, reductive thinking and thrive on sensational stories, which are easily accepted hook, line and sinker. Failure, corruption and inefficiency or non-performance of governmental policies — both internal and foreign — are conveniently transferred on ‘others’ by conjuring conspiracies. This becomes expedient by disowning responsibility in lieu of internal ‘foreign hands’.
For the ill-informed general public, this helps create a collective ego and self-defence mechanism against internal and external threats by so-called scheming powers. A sentiment of false nationalism is whipped up by these threats. This is in a bid to forge internal unity or harmony in fractious societies. Then, the nationalist card is handy and tries to create a modicum of national self-esteem by apportioning blame on others.
Unfortunately, most governments in Pakistan have relied on conspiracies to shrug off responsibility to create welfare by diverting attention from pressing national issues. Admittedly, slogans and emotional rants do create a fleeting sense of empowerment but this is only as a palliative. Deep-seated national problems cannot be wished away by impugning others or mere harking back to ‘golden periods’ of history.
No country has a perfect or unflawed history: there is a need to be self-introspective and carry out sober analysis. Strong narratives should substitute the defensive ones.
Dr Maqsudul Hasan Nuri
Adviser, Centre for Policy Studies, COMSATS
Published in The Express Tribune, February 17th, 2013.
