‘Historical moment’ is a term that has been cheapened by overuse. Yet, we are within striking distance of a real one, when Mian Nawaz Sharif will take his oath as the prime minister of this country while General (retd) Pervez Musharraf is in custody. One of the most haunting, and perhaps, the most circulated image immediately post-October 12, 1999 was of a seemingly broken, almost teary eyed Mian Sahib behind bars. The cheap idea was to catch Mian Sahib at his most vulnerable and then to humiliate him. Mian Nawaz Sharif’s tenure from 1997-99 cannot be termed a success; however, it was obvious that there was something absolutely wrong with the way he was removed and subsequently treated. The images of Mian Nawaz and Mian Shahbaz from prison cells and wagons were from the same time when the Commando was waving fists and promising a “new country”. It was also the time when many of our intellectuals and sages were welcoming the arrival of our very own Ataturk. To believe in Karma is unscientific. Yet, even for the most hardened of sceptic, there is a vague feeling of some coming of the full historical circle, at least the possibility. However, some might say that if the circle is to taken to its logical completion, we are looking at the Commando leaving the country either before the swearing-in or immediately after. Let us hope that doesn’t happen.

None of this should be personal, although it is hard not to think of it as personal. Opportunities like these do not present themselves very regularly. A military dictator caused this country to be amputated, ordering mass killing. Another military adventurer also denied Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto a proper funeral. The Commando did not allow Mian Sahib to attend his father’s funeral. One should not kick when someone’s down as a general principle, yet it is trumped by the greater principle of fairness. General (retd) Musharraf has to be held accountable for treason and most significantly insulting us as a people. The Commando has been granted bail in BB’s murder case and will probably get it in Nawab Bugti’s case. The prosecutor in BB’s case was mysteriously murdered and that has already been forgotten, it seems. To be fair, it would be extremely difficult to hold him immediately criminally responsible for these murders due to requirements of proof. As far as treason is concerned, no formal proceedings have really started.

The formal legal arena is, perhaps, not the best place for deciding what is treasonous and what is not? Treason is a political issue and needs political determination. The logical culmination will indeed take place in the court, and hopefully, if and when that point arrives, the courts will be up to the task. Yet, the moral force has to come from the people, from parliament. An example is Yahya Khan being declared a “usurper” by the Court, without the requisite national consensus on military intervention. The Commando has already been humiliated and more importantly rejected, so why bother now? Why risk “institutional conflict”, argue the realists. There is a lot of merit in this argument. However, what really is “institutional stability”; does that mean beware of upsetting certain quarters too much or else, you know, the system might be “derailed”.

Once we agree that it is not personal, a logical corollary is that no one person has the right to forgive and forget. Let us have the national conversation on what needs to be done with General (retd) Musharraf and those directly complicit. ‘Moving on’ is sagacious advice and we should but only once clear responsibility has been fixed.

Why the Commando has to be held accountable by us, as a people? Firstly, it is the right thing to do. Secondly, the people need closure. Finally, that challenge has not faded away yet. While free and fair elections were being conducted and now as the post-electoral euphoria goes on, bullet-riddled dead bodies keep getting dumped in Balochistan. Mian Sahib has made all the right statements on forming a Kargil Commission, normalising relations with India, making known the findings of Abbottabad and Saleem Shahzad Commissions. It is important that everyone in parliament urges him to keep his word and support him when he does. It might be useful to read the appropriately named report, “Roots of Impunity” released by the Committee to Protect Journalists. Amongst other things, the opinion of the establishment on politicians, politics and democracy is disturbing, yet fascinating. The views of some powerful people in the country are exactly what the stereotype would lead you to believe.

Mian Nawaz Sharif has displayed signs of maturity in the past five years (barring the representative failure of his role in the Memo proceedings) and has displayed some clarity on the civil-military relationship question. Truth and reconciliation works both ways. The onus is also on Mian Sahib to come clean on the Asghar Khan case. He already has the mandate of the people. A statement made to the people of this country on his past follies, particularly the formation of the IJI and the 1990 election, will only help him, and the people of this country.

As far as the argument of institutional harmony is concerned, trying the Commando will only help in the long run. Our armed forces at present fight for the survival of this country and need all the support of the parliament and the government. Yet, the drawing of lines which cannot or should not be breached will bring clarity.

Mian Sahib’s opening statement on the willingness to negotiate with the Taliban is not a confidence-inspiring start. His view is admittedly milder than that of Mr Khan. Yet, the difference seems to be quantitative and not qualitative. The TTP has extended the customary response to the “offer of peace” by Mian Sahib at the centre and the PTI in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, with bomb blasts in Quetta and Peshawar. The soft line on extremism during the campaign was electioneering, and even if one forgives it (very, very hard to do, mind you), there are absolutely no excuses post elections.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 26^th, 2013.

The chief minister (CM)-designate for Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (K-P) has already made the silliest statement for the next few years, or at least, let us hope so; as there is little room to go lower. The PTI nominee for CM says that he has no enmity with the Taliban. What valour, what clarity to begin the fight. Although no real surprise there as that was the declared policy of his party all along, never mind thousands of our civilians and soldiers martyred. However, it becomes more intriguing if one considers this in combination with the young, energetic, largely urban, some of them lifestyle liberal supporters exercising their democratic right of protest against the election results in DHA, Lahore. How do they reconcile their party’s position in K-P with their lives in Lahore and Karachi? They simply do not. Will these politically conscientious young men and women be able to protest to the tune of invigorating music in Hakeemullah Mehsud’s country? Would they then be as excited about giving peace a chance? Reconciliation of apparent contradictions or making sense is not something to aspire to now. Perhaps, Lahore is a different country. Perhaps, we have quite a few different countries in the new country.

When one party gets most of its seats only in one province, namely Sindh, it is said to have been wiped out, on the verge of becoming a regional party. Whereas another party secures most of its seats in another province, namely Punjab, it gets simple majority, and it is said the electorate has chosen the “national leader”. “Regional” or “Provincial” is only relevant when used for something other than Punjab, which by the way is almost always a “card”. Ever heard of the ‘Punjab card’? Me neither. While we are at it, what in God’s name is “Interior” Sindh (as opposed to what, “Exterior” Sindh?) The PML-N won mostly in Punjab, the PPP in rural Sindh, the MQM in urban Sindh and the PTI in K-P, seems quite neatly regional at some level. Lest we forget, no change in Balochistan, the perpetual party, it seems, remains in power.

The overzealous PTI supporter feels that the population was not educated enough and not “urban” enough to realise the promise of utopia on offer. The proud Punjabi voter rationalises the PPP’s victory in Sindh by viewing Sindh as a backward feudal serfdom, where no autonomy of individual choice exists. The PPP jiyala in Sindh sees the Punjabi establishment at its antics again. As for Balochistan, it seems we do not even care enough to ascribe stereotypes anymore. Every party’s “hardcore” supporters view the supporters of other parties as not only having a political difference, but as ignorant, irrational and malicious, with an ethnic/cultural stereotype to boot. To quote Jean-Paul Sartre’s famous statement although not quite how he intended, “l’enfer, c’est les autres” (Hell is other people).

It is imperative that all reports of incidents of malpractices are looked at and thoroughly investigated, and there are many. The Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) has failed and failed miserably, yet nowhere has it failed more than in Balochistan. However, do not fret about it, nothing as glamorous as the DHA protests.

This election was not rigged at the “systematic” state level, as is our custom. However, it was a poorly managed affair. It was never free and fair, even if the general result would have remained largely the same. The PPP, the ANP and the MQM were never given the chance to campaign. This is not to undermine the entire electoral process, which was still better than nothing or the mandate of the winning party, the PML-N. The PML-N did consolidate its usual voter base and also successfully penetrated southern Punjab, displacing the PPP. The appeal to martyrdom and sacrifice failed in contrast to the promise of better delivery (Metro Bus and Ring Road, etc). An urbanisation of Punjab, at least in terms of issues happened. The PPP needs to rework its message, focus on delivery and governance and have something to offer to urban Pakistan and also realise that it cannot abdicate Punjab. Those predicting the demise of the PPP jump the gun, many of them have made identical predictions in the past, and will probably continue to do so in the future. However no question about the PPP getting its act together, which it almost always does in opposition. The PTI has put up an impressive show, proving stereotypes wrong. One hopes that with this relative success also comes maturity and self-reflection. These are all heartening developments; this is democratic progress.

Yet, there is cause for great concern. The liberal and secular (even if nominal) have been rejected. That happens in democracies, they need to dust off and bounce back if they can. More alarming is the decline of the federal parties, and perhaps, politics. The conservative right-wing parties dominating this election promise rationality in governance and politics as opposed to appeal to martyrdom and emotion. Nothing wrong with the idea, we can certainly use some rationality. However, what will be a hypothetical rational choice for a party in power both in Punjab and at the Centre? Pure rational choice for a political party for the purposes of ensuring re-election will be to guarantee a basic level of governance in Punjab, even if it entails diverting resources from the smaller provinces, even at some expense to the Federation (although the expense cannot be too great since then, there is a possibility of your governed territory becoming smaller). For the simple fact, sweeping Punjab will make you prime minister. It is Machiavellian indeed, yet rational. This is not to suggest that this is likely to happen. Mian Sahib, we have been told, has matured and now is a democrat. One dearly hopes that “they” are right. Mian Sahib has been given a clear mandate by the people and it needs to be respected by all political forces, as should everyone else’s mandate. The business in Balochistan, yet again, starts at the wrong foot.

All individual and legitimate grievances should be taken to the ECP and the courts, yet it is imperative that they understand that the process has to continue. United they stand, or else they know the history. More somberly, all of us need to remember that this Federation is fragile; disconnect and arrogance has cost us once and greatly.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 19^th, 2013.

To wake up hammered, disoriented, with a headache in an unfamiliar place with a stranger on the side is unnerving. It might be exhilarating or it might be mortifying, yet it will almost always be a slightly nervous moment. That is how some will feel today. Some might not have a complete stranger on the side, yet a changed person, and it is a new place and you are a bit hammered. There is nervousness, because somewhere deep down, there is always a small possibility that this might not be fleeting. To be caught in a moment happens to the best of us, and it could be quite pleasant or positively horrible. There are rendezvous which end up in lifelong companionships, some happy, some not quite so, or paying child support or worse. Yet, the morning after and the anxiety is the price of that moment, and the thrill of it. To be young and clueless has its charms, so does being not so young and reckless. Being a little nervous is not always a bad thing.

It is Election Day as these lines are being written, and by the time you read this, you will have some idea of what the results look like. The obvious and safe thing to do right now is to not make a prediction. Predictions are a bad idea generally, particularly so in this election. The analysts, the guys on the street, the astrologers, the candidates themselves, nobody had a clue, okay, at least, most didn’t.

This election has seen more blood than any election should see. The polling day begins with news of electoral candidates being kidnapped. Most of the violence and the threat of it were not random; it had a clear and declared pattern. Some parties were targeted and cornered, while others addressed huge gatherings. Most recently, the son of a former prime minister was abducted. The campaign was conducted primarily in Punjab, while the other provinces burnt. None of the parties who had a free campaign run (namely the PML-N and the PTI) seemed overly concerned with soliciting the “poor” vote. One of these parties has a tremendously confused stance on one of the major crisis we face — terrorism. The other, has gotten both the major questions exactly wrong — namely militancy and the civil-military balance. The tone of this election was set by urban, middle class Punjab. More media coverage was given to the untimely death of a white tiger than the dozens of PPP, ANP and MQM workers and supporters murdered. The accidental tumble of Mr Imran Khan (who thankfully, is well) saw this country displaying heartening solidarity and empathy. However, not much of it was reciprocated when Syed Ali Haider Gilani was kidnapped.

Were these elections Free and Fair? Short answer: no. Could it have been worse? Short answer: yes. Will visible improvement be made in the country in the short run? Short answer: no. Has there been progress made? Short answer: mildly emphatic yes.

These were not ideal elections. Actually, these were as distant from ideal elections as we have seen. Yet, there is hope. Today is a day to invoke some clichés. The system would have been strengthened. People would have made choices (what choices they make is an important question, yet secondary to having the freedom to make it). No major political party boycotted the election (kudos to those who were under unrelenting attack). A lot of people would have voted for the first time, hence displaying their faith in the system for the first time. All political parties both inside and outside parliament deserve congratulation. No party has actively joined hands with the establishment, though there is occasional footsie by some. The process of a transition would have begun; an imperfect, wobbly and bloody transition, yet a democratic transition. There is value in that.

It might be useful to remind ourselves of the cost of this transition. Shaheed BB was martyred in this struggle, and this country owes a substantial bit of democracy to her martyrdom and her willingness to die for it. Regardless of the results, I will end up listening to Bhutto de Beti and Dilan teer bijan on the evening of May 11. This election could not have happened had this incredibly brave woman not decided to stand up for us. And regardless of the results and party affiliations and victories, display the decency to express your gratitude. Salmaan Taseer, Shahbaz Bhatti, Bashir Bilour and many others from the PPP, the ANP and our brave soldiers had to die for you and me to have the opportunity to vote. One does not have to be a voter or supporter of these parties to acknowledge their struggle.

The transition and the potential new government also pose a challenge to many of us. Defending democracy for the past five years earned the title of “government apologist”, etc, and now there is a distinct possibility that there might be a different government with ruling parties that we do not agree with ideologically (at least, the possibility is a strong one in my particular case). The right of the elected representatives to form government and run it without undue interference from unelected institutions and to complete its term will have to be argued and defended as firmly as before, even when some of us might not like the parties in power. Perhaps, it becomes even more important when we do not like them.

So, in the end, be a little nervous on the morning after. A lot of us were caught in the moment, and went with the flow, when not completely conscious. Have a glass of water; maybe light a cigarette, wait for the hangover to subside, look around, retrace the night and think calmly. We do not know if it is going to be a one-nighter or a lifetime of bliss. Probably neither really, it will be somewhere in the middle. Yet, congratulate yourself; at least you made a move, took a chance.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 12^th, 2013.

There is a simple story of a Knight who fought valiantly and saved a town from an army of invaders in medieval Europe. The residents of the town felt so indebted and thought long and hard on how to express their gratitude. At last, they came to the conclusion that his deed was so great and honourable that it was only proper that they kill him and make him a Saint. The dead are easy to hold in reverence, their causes and positions are easy to agree with. Not always in Pakistan. We kill people who save us and not satisfied, we insult their memories, their struggle. Recently there was some hope in hopeless times. General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani has finally said it: this is our war. We have to fight and win this. Bravo General.

All political parties want us to believe that they hold the struggle of our soldiers and their martyrdom in high esteem; some of them lie. Mr Imran Khan believes that the TTP are only Pashtuns and Tribals who are just annoyed because of America’s war, etc and all will be well once the “New Pakistan” is put in place. How condescending, how ignorant, how sinister it is of Mr Khan to say that. How hypocritical, how deceitful is it to then pretend to honour the martyrdom of our soldiers and civilians killed by the TTP in the same breath, or even in the same life. And it is not about some silly game of who has been to the tribal areas how many times; it is about minimum knowledge, sense and courage. In any event, there are also some other people who may know a thing or two about Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and the tribal areas, the ANP for example. Mr Khan is not too concerned with dignity at all. Mr Khan “requested” those who are venting their anger by bombing political rallies and murdering kids to wait for a few days, the New Pakistan is just around the corner. One is supposed to be careful in the employment of adjectives for national leaders; however, national leaders are also supposed to be careful about what they say. And when they speak dangerous nonsense, it should be called out as such. He felt the need to offer a clarification on behalf of the TTP and state that these faithful brothers of ours had no role in BB’s martyrdom. Mr Khan has made a habit of saying ridiculous things about things that he has no clue. The only real clarity that he has displayed in recent times is in firmly stating that he will not amend the clauses in the Constitution that declare the “Ahmadis” infidels and doesn’t want their vote. To be fair, no one can speak of amending them right now, but then to be fair, not everyone is promising a new country.

There are other parties who also hold similar views on the TTP and the “war on terror”. It does not matter; people have already made their respective choices and will go along with them. By all means do and vote for whoever floats your boat. However, show your face when a four-your-old kid is murdered in Karachi because his father (who by the way was also killed) was contesting the election from a particular political party. Some punishment for “corruption” for the kid; is it not, serves him right for being born into a family which had affiliations with a corrupt party or maybe the kid had not done enough in his total of four years to tackle the law and order situation and had it coming. Maybe the kid deserved it since he did not stand up when others (mind you who were coincidentally almost always from his family) were being targeted etc. And this mix of cold blooded apathy and downright cruel ignorance is not to be mentioned because it hurts the fragile sentiments of some hypersensitive followers of popular national leaders. If these followers are “mature” enough to be unmoved by the killing of children, they should be able to handle their leaders being described (accurately in my view) as being pro-violence. Also, any talk of being sensitive is a bit rich coming from people who casually trample over the memories of martyrs.

There are these lines of Kipling that make themselves useful in Pakistan with some frequency. “Our statecraft, our learning, Delivered them bound to the pit and alive to the burning, Whither they mirthfully hastened as jostling for honour. Not since her birth has our Earth seen such worth loosed upon her … But who shall return us our children?” Our children are being delivered to the pit, and there is no statecraft and learning behind it. There is cowardice and opportunism.

It is campaign season in Punjab, and the funeral season in the “other” Pakistan. Realpolitik and electioneering is an excuse for a lot of things; silence or condoning murder is not amongst those. Punjab is the “New Pakistan”. It is not all of Punjab either; it is only the right kind of Punjab. The urban, educated (in the basic formal sense) and the politically aware, because you know the really unwashed, poor peasants etc. have a tendency to vote for the “corrupt” parties. Well, the TTP is working overtime to remedy that by not allowing them to campaign. Heartwarming stuff it is to see friends in need being friends indeed.

Coming back to General Kayani’s statement, it seems that the new country is destined to get off to a confused start. While the army leadership is rightly commenting on the true nature of the challenge, there is a distinct possibility that we might have a political regime that will be unwilling to put up a fight. That might be an understatement; we might have a political government who yearns for the reconciliatory embrace over dead bodies. The entire consensus circus is bound to happen again. This time, maybe with the traditional roles reversed.

I will take the “corrupt” over the “murderous” every day, all year. Oh well, don’t think about it too much, preferably not at all, thinking will be out of fashion in the new country; less thought more belief is the future, so go on now and vote for whomever you had made your mind to vote for months ago.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 5^th, 2013.

The Pakistan Ulema Council (PUC) has issued a Fatwa that it is a religious obligation on everyone to vote. Should one be happy at the fact that the Ulema Council is inclined towards democracy? Or perhaps, be unnerved that it has got to this. The PUC has to be lauded and it is heartening to see some top clerics being pro-democracy. Yet, it also points to the fact that there is only one language that we speak and understand now. That language is religion. When the Returning Officers were quizzing candidates about religious scriptures inside the courtrooms, it was mostly the candidates who belonged to parties being targeted by the TTP on the outside. Have we no sense of timing?

In Iran, all candidates for office are scrutinised; there is a pre-selection of candidates by the Guardian Council. The Council ensures that only those candidates that fulfil the requirements of being sufficiently religious and believing in the foundations of the Iranian Republic are allowed to contest. In short, it is exactly what Articles 62 and 63 were intended to do. And yet, there is politics, political parties, elections and disagreements. It is only that all politics is then conducted within that defined parameter. Political parties are radical and status quo, left and right, within these confines.

There was yet another attack on the ANP in Karachi on April 26. Yet again people die, and yet again most of the rest remain silent. The PPP, the ANP and the MQM continue to be under fire. The candidates are being murdered, corner meetings attacked and pamphlets distributed. This is happening while the PML-N and the PTI hold large political rallies and are campaigning in full swing. When the PML-N and the PTI say that the next election is all about Punjab, they are truer than they know. And that is scary.

Peaceful transition, free and fair elections, people’s right to choose, etc are lies. This election is rigged. Almost all elections in Pakistan have been rigged, this is just rigged a bit more. Also, the body count has never been this high. The elections have always been rigged by the state and have always been rigged in one direction. The IJIs and the MMAs had one mandate, to defeat the liberal parties. Now, the TTP has taken over from where they left off. There has been a lethal, horrifying convergence of interest, even if inadvertent, between the state and the non-state actors. The violence of the TTP, the suspicion of the liberal and nationalist by the traditional establishment, the misplaced and somewhat idiotic sense of integrity, even-handedness by the ECP and media means you can say goodbye to a free and fair election already. Choices are being restricted, the political spectrum becoming one-sided, almost like a theocracy but only worse. At this rate, the choices in the Pakistan will soon be the religious right, ultra-right and whack job crazy, murderous religious fanatical right. Some people think that threat of fanaticism is being overstated and nuance is required, etc. They are wrong. The Barbarians are not only inside the gates, they are now driving everyone else out.

At a very basic level, this is one of the most ideologically divided elections in our history. The ideological question of singular importance is whether one is for or against murder in the name of religion, tyranny and female education, etc. Easy question, one would have thought. To emphasise how easy the question should be, let me quote David Sedaris on a US election. “To put them in perspective, I think of being on an airplane. The flight attendant comes down the aisle with her food cart and, eventually, parks it beside my seat. “Can I interest you in the chicken?” she asks. “Or would you prefer the platter of s**t with bits of broken glass in it?” To be undecided in this election is to pause for a moment and then ask how the chicken is cooked.” And it seems it is an easy question in Pakistan, only the answer is dead wrong. We are not having the chicken.

In another way, this is the most non-ideological election in our history. One side of the divide is being made irrelevant and dead. The other side is all the same. It wants a religious welfare state and has no quarrel with the estranged and extremely angry brothers of ours doing all the killing. Courage is now not being particularly afraid when you are under no threat, while having your loved ones and party workers killed does not deserve sympathy since you will play the ‘victim card’. Never mind that you are victims. The Commando is back in town these days, and his remark on Mukhtaran Mai and women getting raped to get visas still has resonance.

The ECP has sought to inject some (dark) humour in the prevailing doom and gloom. The ECP, in its infinite wisdom, has said that seeking of votes on the basis of religion and sect is now an offence. Why start now Sirs. Perhaps, only if attention was paid at the time of registration, even simply to the names of the parties. In any event, the stance of the ASWJ on stem cell research and land reforms shall make for riveting campaign material. Reportedly, dozens of individuals charged with terrorism have received permission to contest and understandably so since the Returning Officers were busy with the opinions of other candidates on the all-important issue of honeymoons and consumption of the good stuff.

The performance of these parties in the ruling coalition of the previous government was less than stellar. And they might have been losing anyway. Yet, we will never know conclusively. If they lose now, they are losing in a fight which is not even close to being fair. Elections should be on time. Elections are all we have got and are unquestionably better than any other alternatives. Freddie Mercury’s “The Show must go on” is all one can think of. And so it must, yet at an agonisingly high cost. “On with the Show” then, however this is messed up, this will be bloody and this will come to haunt us again and again, even the beneficiaries of today, perhaps especially the beneficiaries of today.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 28^th, 2013.

The election season brings with it objective analysis, neutral critiques and assessments and other such clichés with an increasing use of hollow terms such as ‘moral equivalence’ etc. It is silly in most cases to attempt to draw a parallel between two merits or flaws and to give one preference over the other. Yet, in the most striking cases the equation has value. The TTP has declared war on the ANP, the PPP and the MQM. The ANP is quite clearly the most severely affected; it is partially because of geography and partially because the ANP has consistently produced men and women possessing incredible courage. Yet, the condemnations are hard to come by. In most cases, it is the other two parties (who mind you, also have their people killed) who condemn the killings. There remains deadly silence from the parties not on the hit list.

The argument for not condemning the murderous attacks is that these parties were in power for the past five years, and had they not been corrupt and incompetent, such a situation would not have arisen in the first place. The obvious point is, regardless of their shortcomings, would the preferred parties not display spine and condemn terrorist attacks of murder for the simple reason that murder in the name of religion is inherently condemnable. How do the ANP, the PPP and the MQM weaknesses, whatever they might be, provide an excuse for cowardice of the PML-N and the PTI, etc? Never mind, let us hypothetically accept the reasons given in the argument for the silence. To put it at its harshest, it says that the ANP has been corrupt and incompetent, although no specific evidence is available to suggest that they are more corrupt and incompetent than the other political parties, on the hit list or not. On the flip side, only someone being disingenuous would question the bravery and courage of the ANP and its leadership. The TTP has certainly not made its list based on tax returns and corruption records.

The comparison to be made then is; is it more desirable to have unimpeachable financial integrity or courage? No marks for answering; both. In an ideal world, we would have both. However, if the PML -N and the PTI are to be believed, then that is not possible, and they propose to us surrender and appeasement, however, with flawless accounting; and they do it without a trace of irony or embarrassment. The ANP offers us not only courage but a clear-eyed stance in the face of the assault that we face. The ANP has volunteered itself to the frontline and are putting up a damn impressive fight.

An evaluation, if any needs to be done, should be between terrorism and corruption as the major challenges that we face. It is not much of a parallel. The threat to our state posed by theocratic fanatics cannot be equated to the generic structural problems of corruption, nepotism, inefficiency, etc. And anybody who undertakes this equation is either ignorant or dishonest. If taken to its logical end, would a Taliban regime which is not financially corrupt be preferable to a democratically-elected government, which is bound to be imperfect regardless of which party is in power? There is only one answer to this question that has any place in a civilised society. All of this does not mean that the governance record and financial transparency, etc. be ignored. Yet, the efficiency and good governance that comes with fascism is something that we can do without. We should prefer those with minor blemishes in professional records who are willing to fight for the rights of our children to go to school over dead honest suicide bombers destroying girl’s schools. It seems a bit fatuous to point out that the punishment for murder and theft not meant to be the same.

Anyone who dares to suggest that BB, Mian Iftikhar Husain’s only son and Bashir Bilour were martyred because of the desire for money, deserves to have the door shut on their face by every decent individual. No resort to religious interpretations or intricate calculation is required. The blood of the martyr, whatever its exact worth may be, is certainly more valuable than empty, cheap, craven rhetoric.

Listening to Mr Asfandyar Wali Khan on television recently gave both hope and hopelessness. He does not avert his gaze from the challenge we face. Yet, he was also a man who has been abandoned by the state, political parties and perhaps even by the people of this country. “Free and Fair election” is a farce when candidates are killed and people told to stay away from rallies or else they will be killed. Still, the ANP fights, like our gallant soldiers in Tirah who fight for our lives by laying down their own, there is honour that, and the sort of honour that cannot be replicated by fancy, invigorating campaign songs. There is honour in fighting even while being ignored by a media and society preoccupied with tomfoolery of the lowest order. It is a shame that the ANP has to even explain what the conflict is about at this stage. The upright response is to say thank you and stand by their side.

No election anywhere is ever single issue. Yet, we now have an election which is as close to being single issue as it gets. That issue is not perceived corruption. It is survival and self-respect. The parties which lead the pack in the campaign are not even promising this, not even weakly or unconvincingly. The parties which offer this unfortunately are not allowed to campaign, at least not without the very real risk of getting killed. The TTP has made this election into a two-party contest. Unless the PML-N and the PTI come out with strong, unequivocal condemnations and express their desire to stand with the ANP, the PPP and the MQM, they are squarely in the TTP party, and are there by conscious choice. This seems too simple a binary and so it is. The ANP is absolutely on the right side of this divide, and deserves our support and vote for this general principle.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 21^st, 2013. 

Dictators do not have post-retirement careers, dictators do not make comebacks. As a general principle, a dictator does not die of old age, particularly when not in power. The Commando is back to defy all these accepted facts about dictators. The rubbing of the eyes has to stop now. General (retd) Pervez Musharraf, it seems, is here for a bit. He now is a political non-entity, an irrelevant player in the larger scheme of affairs. There is a temptation to simply ignore him. However, it was unnerving to watch a shoe being thrown at him in the Sindh High Court. Firstly, for the obvious reason that there is no dignity in any shoe throwing at anyone. But also for what the Commando might come to symbolise in the coming days. A pathetic old man, way past his prime, insulted in public at a regular basis. It seems like a satisfying outcome considering what he inflicted upon this country. It would give great personal pleasure to see him humiliated at the polls, which fortunately, is highly likely. Yet, there is the real risk of him becoming so pathetic and easy to mock that we begin to pity him, of him arousing a bit of sympathy. Hence, forgetting what he did once, what he stood for. That should not happen.

As much as one loathes the Commando, the recent news of Jamia Hafsa students, armed with sticks, tearing down the General’s posters in Islamabad is disturbing. The last time they took to the streets in Islamabad, armed with sticks and stones, it did not end very well. In any case, whatever were the specifics of the last incident, that is not what General Musharraf should primarily be remembered or attacked for. Adequate security needs to be provided to him and the vandalism restrained. Unlike the callous treatment he extended to BB, he needs to be protected. To prove to ourselves that we are better than him, and also for the reason of allowing the legal system to take its course, a system he detested when he was in power. There is no reason to romanticise his return; rational thought was never his strong point. To quote Hunter S Thompson on former US President Richard Nixon, “ … honest historians will remember him as the rat who kept scrambling to get back on the ship”.

The Supreme Court declared that General Musharraf subverted the Constitution in the July 31, 2009 judgment. The judgment was unanimously and uncritically hailed as a new beginning, a break away from past, etc. On the slightest reflection, the judgment was exactly keeping in line with our not so glorious legal history. Yahya Khan was declared an “usurper” a few months after he was gone and comprehensively disgraced. The Commando was held to have subverted the Constitution when he was gone. All other judgments starting from 1954 pertaining to military takeovers and dictators that were present have been completely welcoming to the adventurers, even bestowing upon them powers that they had not asked for. Much bravado is displayed when the man with the stick has left. The return of the Commando provides a unique opportunity to the Court and to the people, that is to punish the dictator when he is still alive, and also before he becomes pitiable. It is about time that the cost of subverting (abrogating, etc) the Constitution is raised for all future potential adventurers.

To make a case for why the Commando should be punished is too obvious and too easy. Yet, it remains necessary. Why now? Short answer, we have to publically try him and make sure the law is applied squarely while there is still time. Can’t we let it slide, move on, bygones be bygones, etc? Short answer, no we cannot. It is not fair to let it slide. He deserves to be punished. The record needs to be set clean. There is another important reason and that has to do with self-respect. The Commando’s comeback is a direct challenge, a taunt to the Court, the democratic system and the people. As someone who opposes the death penalty for anyone, in an ideal situation, I would want him to be tried and spend his remaining years inside a prison cell.

The Court should dispel the notion that it did not contemplate a return in the 2009 judgment and has now been caught slightly off guard. The Supreme Court now has to assert itself with the same force on the Commando as they customarily display with the elected government and its officials. That is not easy. According to one interpretation, the July 31, 2009 judgment seems to suggest that all those who aided and abetted the subversion might also be complicit. And that list has some powerful people. To quote MD Taseer, davaar-i-hashr mera naam-i-amal na dekh, is mein kuchh parda nasheenon kay bhi naam atay hain.

The murders of Shaheeds Akbar Bugti and BB cannot be allowed to slide. It will, perhaps, be helpful to revisit his statements, his arrogance, apathy and smugness on the murders whenever in the future, one begins to feel even slightly sorry for the Commando. He does not deserve it.

This is all the more important as we awkwardly mule through to elections. Generals Aslam Beg, Asad Durrani and Hameed Gul still mock us. Mock us, even after admitting to rigging and stealing an election, and the Supreme Court holding the first two guilty. General Musharraf’s referendum and the rigged 2002 elections should be fresh in our collective memory. The murder of Nawab Akbar Bugti represented a distinct breaking point for many Baloch nationalists. As welcome efforts are underway to encourage some Baloch nationalists to contest elections, it should be remembered reconciliation without truth, without accountability is unreasonable and unnatural.

When the Commando illegally took over, there were many amongst the politicians and intelligentsia who welcomed him. Many of them had the grace to sincerely and publicly acknowledge their mistake subsequently and hence are absolved. Yet, the Commando has to be tried and hopefully punished to establish a basic point; that a dictator is never all right, never acceptable. For the moment, we look at the Supreme Court. Procedure needs to be followed, personal dislike set aside and the law applied — that should do it.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 14^th, 2013.

One day, faithful, bearded members of the Tableeghi Jamaat came to Ahmad Faraz’s house and asked him to recite the Kalima. “Why, has it changed” was Ahmad Faraz’s nonchalant and elegant response. Good for him that he has moved on. Today, apart from the obvious risk of serious bodily harm, he would have been interrogated, hauled up in court, with a complete media circus, etc. For those seeking to contest elections, it is no longer enough that they are able to secure a sufficient number of votes. They also have to be masters of religious scriptures, believe and be willing to defend “ideology of Pakistan”, should be able to sing the national anthem, answer intrusive, petty questions about private life. This is a witch-hunt. This is an inquisition. This makes Joseph McCarthy look like an annoying, nagging schoolboy.

There is some rejoicing on Mr Jamshed Dasti being handed a prison term for a fake degree. Truth has prevailed, justice done and other such clichés. We, as a people, generally and institutions in particular, become particularly brave and our sense of fairness heightened against the weak. Never mind, General Musharraf roaming around as a free man, etc. Never mind, that the Honourable Supreme Court has declared the Commando an “usurper” and someone who has subverted the Constitution. We now wait with bated breath for the Supreme Court to bring General (retd) Pervez Musharraf to justice. Similarly, those held responsible for rigging an election in the Asghar Khan case are still comfortably outside of prison. There is a different standard of outrage for Generals Mirza Aslam Beg and Asad Durrani as compared with that for Dasti. Yet, how dare Dasti forge a degree? Again, never mind, the clearly undemocratic requirement of the graduation degree. Forgery and lying under oath should not be romanticised, yet celebratory spirit should, at least, be dampened. Education and tax evasion are major issues and need to be addressed, however, addressing them from a top-down model will not work. Listening to our media, it seems that members of parliament are the strong, the elite of this country.

Mr Ayaz Amir did not forge anything. He apparently opposes the “ideology of Pakistan”. Helpful to remember that ‘ideology of Pakistan’ is not an organic concept joined at birth with this country. It was formulated, quite later in the day by a military dictator and given mass publicity by the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI). Mr Amir rightly opposes the concept and does it with enviable eloquence. One of the leading intellectuals and writers in this country is not fit to contest the elections because he opposes a concept which is bunk. This is a joke, although a painfully unfunny one. A parliament without Ayaz Amir would indeed be poorer; however, an election arena where he is not allowed to contest is sheer lunacy.

Mr Dasti and Mr Amir were both refused permission on April 4. It is an important date to revisit our assumption of absolute power of the politician. On April 4, 1979, the most powerful politician that this country has seen and in my opinion the greatest, was hanged by a vile military dictator (who personally was from the humblest of backgrounds mind you). The custodians of ideology of Pakistan, the judges, complied, at least most of them, and became willing accomplices to murder. The gentleman and the pious crowd stood and watched as Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was murdered. So much, for the all-powerful politicians. April 4 is important also for acknowledging the genesis of this 62 and 63. It was the Sadiq and Ameen Ziaul Haq who killed Mr Bhutto. Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Mr Jinnah would have failed this vulgar test of proving their piety. A reminder of how cruel and murderous the pious can be. The same crowd, the same coalition is again hard at work today. The clean judges, generals and bureaucrats do not like the uncouth politicians. However, not all aspiring candidates are that unlucky. Mr Ahmad Ludhinavi, leader of the Ahle Sunnat wal Jamaat, has been declared Sadiq and Ameen and his nomination paper accepted. Allah be praised.

The intensity of the present scrutiny is perhaps new, yet the general idea behind it is as old as the country itself. That idea is controlled democracy, a mistrust of the people. The natives have never been trusted to make choices for themselves. Field Marshal Ayub Khan introduced EBDO (Elective Bodies Disqualification Order) with the clear intent of purifying Pakistani politics, which resulted in the disqualification of people such as Husain Shaheed Suharwardy. In the 1970s, the National Awami Party was banned for the reasons of being anti-Pakistan. In the 1980s, Ziaul Haq conducted a non-party election, resulting in the biradari system. In 2002, the Commando introduced the graduation requirement to ensure that only the enlightened make it to parliament. In a country where the overwhelming majority is illiterate, this is disenfranchisement. If the argument for the graduation requirement is accepted, then it cannot stop at that. Then why not masters or doctorate, in fact, why not specialist technocrats. In any event, the same fear of the uncouth, the corrupt politicians and also of the people who elect them is at display.

The present Election Commission, particularly the Chief Election Commissioner’s appointment was lauded almost unanimously, and rightly so. However, it seems that we, as a people, cannot absorb praise without becoming self-righteous. They say there is tyranny in purity. If there is an “ideology of Pakistan” and it is as fragile as making people sing a national anthem to defend it, which by the way is in Persian, then perhaps, it needs to be scrapped anyway. As a side point, compelling candidates to sing the national anthem might not be the best strategy complementing the attempt to bring the Baloch nationalists in mainstream national electoral politics.

The insistence by the Supreme Court and the Election Commission on the uprightness and piety of the candidates gives the impression of trying too hard. The people have to be trusted, for once, to make their own choices, perhaps even their own mistakes.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 7^th, 2013. 

Most of what General (retd) Pervez Musharraf said to the few people at the Karachi airport was delusional and egoistic nonsense. Well, no surprises there. However, there were two things that stood out; firstly, this was not the country he left, and secondly, that he was as much as a Muslim as anyone else; in fact, he was a “Syed”. Within these two statements is the acknowledgement and evidence of the changed landscape. The fact that the whisky drinking, cigar smoking Commando, the patron saint of the “moderate enlightenment” felt the need to affirm his faith-based credentials. Times they have changed. The present is a different country.

A day earlier, Mr Imran Khan addressed a huge crowd at Lahore. Mr Khan is on a mission to build a “New Pakistan”. However, listening to Mr Khan, one felt that there is already a new country, or at the very least, the process is well and truly in motion. Mr Khan led us through his core belief system and the spiritual path to salvation that he pursues, in elaborate detail. Religious references and rhetoric have been in vogue here right from the beginning. Yet, Mr Khan did not talk about religion in the rugged, honest to god, man of the people manner. Religious convictions once mentioned are enough; to stress unduly on the point is suspicious, unless it is geared towards a specific objective. Jalsas and public addresses are carefully scripted with specific objectives in mind. His opening talk was as close to a sermon as a political rally can be. It could be because Mr Khan is a devoutly religious man; if so, more power to him. However, it could also be because of a target audience. The very sizeable voter base of Mr Khan comprises mostly of politically conscious, energetic youth, not necessarily extremely religious. The really faithful are not likely to be swayed in any case. The few dozen supporters of the Commando do not care much about his personal piety or lineage either. Then why did both of them feel the need to wear faith on their sleeves?

They felt the need, perhaps because there is a new member in the audience. Invisible, yet undoubtedly present. The Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) have expressed keen interest in the elections. They have even put aside their fundamental objections to the electoral process for now, and have given preferences. The TTP has told people to stay away from the PPP, the ANP and the MQM jalsas as they plan to attack them. Mr Khan is aware of this comparative advantage and is not keen to lose it. The unacknowledged audience, possibly even subconsciously, is the TTP. Not addressed directly. Not even looked at, they are supposed to overhear. The monitoring role and the picking of favourites by the TTP is new; they might even define what the “New Pakistan” will look like in the future.

It is unfair to single out Mr Khan alone. The PML-N has not come clean on the alliance with the ASWJ. The PML-N probably does not need the ASWJ vote anymore, yet considers it impolite to turn down their offer of assistance. The PPP has an electoral alliance with the Sunni Ittehad Council, displaying flexibility on ideals for a maximum gain of one seat. No explanation for the alliance has ever been given. The PTI now wants an arrangement with the JI, although we do not know yet whether it will materialise or not. One might say that this is very “Old Pakistan” like. It is for the most part, but not exactly. In the old country, the JI were a party of the faithful who believed women should have witnesses to the rape or remain mum and that Malala Yousufzai was never shot at, etc. And you either agreed with them or you didn’t. In the new country, you suspend judgment till the outcome of the negotiations for the alliance. If it does not work out, the JI is what we know it to be. If it does, the JI is at least not financially corrupt (a demonstrably false claim), not part of the status quo, etc. No marks or face is lost in trying to make an alliance/arrangement in the first place. A candidate who leaves a party is good riddance, the party cleansed. Of course, in the event he/she chooses to return immediately, they are again the brilliant statesperson the party and the country needed.

Political affiliations and alliances have always been fickle in this country. Yet, the movement and the responding to sudden inner voices of conscience in the past few days are really something else. No reason given for leaving a party or for joining a new one. Not even unconvincing token excuses. Politics has no hinge. The new country suffers from amnesia.

It can be argued that the PML-N, the PTI and all those not mentioned specifically by the TTP are not to be blamed since they do not influence the TTP decision-making process. This is unquestionably true. And this is election; this is war, Hobbes and Darwin. No time for high moral grounds.

One has to disagree with this argument. They can and should condemn the threat by the TTP. Exempt them from the condescending and insulting offer of protection. Not only because they should want to ideally defeat the rivals in a fair fight, the PTI and the PML-N are going strong anyway, why give somebody an excuse. And also to do otherwise is bad politics. It is dangerous politics. Election is or should not be quite literally war, neither with actual blood nor with the threat of it. If public condemnation of the TTP for this does not come from everyone, the election has already become slightly less free, less fair. This is the start “New Pakistan” is getting. Rewarding and incentivising surrender and punishing and discouraging courage. If the customary clichés are to be invoked, the new country can perhaps be called “TTP’s Pakistan”, since they are the ones in the driving seat.

There is admittedly “newness” to what is happening, in the elementary sense of “not being like the old”. We have no reasons for false nostalgia of the old country, it needed to be changed. Some of the change is heartening, most recently the appointment of the caretakers without much commotion. Yet, perhaps we should also have the cautionary thought that new is not always good; all change is not for the better.

Published in The Express Tribune, March 31^st, 2013.

The local police told the inhabitants of Joseph Colony, Badami Bagh, to evacuate their houses as they were going to be attacked the next day. This is shocking incompetence or perhaps complicity, even by our standards. However, if one absorbs the full implication of this warning, it seems to point to the major crisis we face. There is no “State” in Pakistan. It has withered away, and not in the Marxist sense but in the Weberian one. The monopoly over violence has been lost; violence has been privatised and has been sold cheap. The failure to honour Salmaan Taseer, the forgetting of Shaheed Shahbaz Bhatti, the intent to surrender to the TTP, the failure to crackdown on sectarian murderous outfits and now this. To be told officially that you are on your own.

Joseph Colony was not in Pakistan to begin with. A “Christian” housing society, separate housing communities, fenced and isolated, like Hazara town in Quetta, ghettos, perhaps in some way also like DHA on the other side of town. The Christians in Joseph Colony still love Pakistan. Why they do beats me, because this country surely does not love them back. It is not enough that they live in abject poverty in separate settlements. The faithful citizens of Pakistan proper have also the liberty to set fire to their houses and lives when fragile sentiments are hurt. The sentiments in front of which no other or no one else’s sentiments have any value — churches, crosses and Bibles will be burnt. How arrogant a person or a group has to be to believe that their sentiments triumph everyone else’s, also law and common decency. The minorities in Pakistan are guilty unless proven innocent, and then guilty still.

There will be multiple inquiries and findings, just like Shantinagar, like Gojra and then we will wait for the next incident and then another round of inquiries. It will happen again, because the Blasphemy Law provisions will remain on the books and we will keep on talking gibberish about correct interpretations and applications, silent peace-loving majority, etc. Does no one realise that all religions stand naturally and unequivocally in blasphemy to all other religions? There can hardly be sacrilege to a thing that you, in the first place, do not believe exists or is true. When the Ahmadi places of worship were attacked in Lahore, condemnation was hard to find; everyone in power wanted to change the topic. If the Muslims were required to sign a statement similar to the Ahmadi declaration on the passport in any part of the world, what do you think the reaction would be? Thermonuclear war, perhaps. Similar to this is the case of the members of the Tableeghi Jamaat. They attempt to save the infidels by inviting them to the truth but at the same time believe that once in if you want out, you are to be killed. They just do not notice the minor contradiction in their sales pitch.

How would it feel to lose everything and then hear that the real tragedy is that the image of this country has been tarnished? Your suffering and loss do not matter; you are just a marketing prop. You should, perhaps, be ashamed for having your houses burnt and bringing embarrassment to the Fatherland. Pakistan does not have an “image” problem. The gap in the conveyed image and reality is there, but it is the other way around. Pakistan should be thankful that most of the world does not read or hear the Urdu press, the local Friday Khutba, banners on Hall Road, Lahore, or pamphlets in the Civil Courts. Pakistan has an image that is softer than it deserves.

Most of this happening in Mian Shahbaz Sharif’s tenure should not come as a surprise. It was, after all, his political mentor Ziaul Haq who brought us most of these gifts. The elder Mian tried to become the “Amir-ul-Momineen”. The younger Mian is just keeping the torch blazing, in Shantinagar, Gojra and Joseph Colony. Zia made the “Objective Resolution” an operative part of the Constitution as Article 2A. Hence, very early in the Constitution all non-Muslims are told this country thinks that their beliefs are false and will be treated with little regard. Mr Bhutto had already extended the non-Muslim category in his attempt to appease the religious element; the appeasement did not work, and nevertheless, we were left with discriminatory laws. The non-Muslim category has for all practical purposes seen another increment; this time, the Shias are moving from the green to the white. Despite new entrants, the white portion seems to be diminishing in size and will soon disappear at the present rate. It will be painted red in the meantime.

Pakistan is hostile to all non-Muslims. That is a simple, cold truth. The laws are discriminatory and the pious population does not like the non-believers either. The size of the processions in favour of the killer Qadri as compared to the vigils for Salmaan Taseer was enough evidence of the violent majority. It is not only madrassa-trained jihadis either. Mumtaz Qadri was garlanded by lawyers and is represented by a former chief justice; the mastermind of the attack on Ahmadis in Lahore apparently is a doctor.

There has never been much of an argument for blasphemy laws. Yet, a lazy one was that it was there so that people do not take the “law” into their own hands when religious sensibilities are hurt. The suspect, Savan Masih, was already under custody when Joseph Colony was assaulted. That is all there is to this argument.

The scenes of Joseph Colony are the real “image” of Pakistan. That image is Pakistan going to hell on a metro bus. The rest, the cultural and literary festivals, the song and dance it seems are diversions, marketing ploys. The Blasphemy Law and Objectives Resolutions will have to be repealed, not amended or implementation ensured, etc; Repealed. Religion will have to be taken out of all public life and statutes books before we can legitimately complain about our “image”. That day will not be tomorrow, or the day after, or next year or perhaps decade. Till that day, if it ever comes, the least we can do is to be honest as we remain bystanders to slaughter and await our turn. Honestly, Pakistan does not welcome the non-Muslims or the “wrong” Muslims and encourages their murder and pillage.

Published in The Express Tribune, March 17^th, 2013.