Zarghuna Safai*, a 20-year-old resident of Kabul, was a second-semester student at a local medical institute when the Taliban barred women and girls from studying in medical training centres across Afghanistan.
She had enrolled to pursue a diploma in midwifery, a profession she chose with a clear goal: to serve Afghan communities, particularly women and children, who are increasingly vulnerable in a country grappling with a deteriorating healthcare system. “The rates of maternal and infant mortality are alarmingly high,” she said, “and without skilled female medical professionals, those numbers will only continue to rise.”
But her ambitions were abruptly cut short when the Taliban’s Ministry of Health ordered all medical institutions to shut their doors to female students. Safai recalls the day the news broke and how quickly her dreams unravelled. “When the institute closed to women, I and many of my classmates felt hopeless. Some of us are now struggling with mental health issues, constantly worried about our future, which feels more uncertain than ever,” she said.
This ban was formalised in December 2024, when the Taliban government officially prohibited women’s enrolment in medical training programs such as midwifery, nursing, dentistry and medical laboratory sciences. The move added another layer to a string of systematic restrictions aimed at erasing women from public life in Afghanistan.
These developments come at a time when the Taliban are seeking international legitimacy. In a controversial diplomatic move, Russia became the first country to officially recognise the Taliban government.
Breaking the diplomatic ranks
On July 3, 2025, the Russian state-owned news agency TASS reported that Moscow had formally recognised the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan — the name the Taliban use for their regime. That same day, Deputy Foreign Minister Andrey Rudenko accepted the diplomatic credentials of Gul Hassan, the Taliban’s newly appointed ambassador to Russia.
The decision sparked widespread outrage among Afghan women both inside the country and in the diaspora. Many view it as a betrayal of justice and a step that could embolden the Taliban to further tighten their grip on Afghan society, especially its women.
Talking about the diplomatic development, Shinkai Karokhail, a veteran Afghan women's rights activist currently based in Canada, expressed deep concern over the consequences of Russia’s recognition.
“The Taliban are already politically isolated on the global stage. For them, this recognition is a major diplomatic victory,” she said. “But for Afghan women, who are already living under extreme restrictions, it is a devastating blow.”
Karokhail believes Russia’s move could have a ripple effect across the region. “After Moscow, other regional powers might be tempted to follow suit and establish formal diplomatic relations with the Taliban, ignoring the regime’s repressive policies and human rights violations,” she warned.
She also pointed out the potential economic fallout. “Many Western countries that provide humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan — including aid for education, health, agriculture, and food security — may now reconsider or reduce their support,” she said. “Russia and China, even if they increase their engagement, do not have the capacity to replace this aid. The Afghan people will suffer, especially women and children.”
The international community has so far withheld recognition of the Taliban regime due to its failure to form an inclusive government, its systematic repression of women, and its continued violation of international human rights obligations. Russia’s move has broken the international consensus and weakened the leverage the global community had in pressuring the Taliban to change.
The Taliban regime remains unrecognised by the [wider] international community because of its non-inclusive governance, severe restrictions on women’s rights and the ban on girls’ education,” Karokhail emphasised. “By officially legitimising the Taliban, Russia has broken that global consensus, posing yet another threat to the future of Afghan women,” the veteran women's rights activist lamented.
Seeds of a long-term crisis
Since the Taliban’s return to power on August 15, 2021, following the withdrawal of United States and NATO forces, the regime has steadily rolled back women’s rights. In September 2021, girls were barred from attending school beyond the sixth grade. Later, universities were declared off-limits to women, followed by a ban on female employment in both public institutions and NGOs. The Taliban have justified these bans by citing their interpretation of Islamic law, a claim widely disputed by Islamic scholars across the Muslim world.
The consequences of these policies extend far beyond gender discrimination. A United Nations report estimates that the economic cost of excluding women from the workforce is approximately $1 billion annually, nearly five per cent of Afghanistan’s total GDP. The country now ranks 177th out of 177 on the Georgetown Institute’s Women, Peace and Security Index, making it the worst place in the world to be a woman.
For Afghan women like Shamla Niazai, a journalist now living in exile, Russia’s decision is especially heartbreaking. “By refusing to recognise their government, the international community was applying pressure on the Taliban to safeguard the rights of women and to allow them access to education and employment,” she said. “That pressure gave hope to Afghan women. A hope that has now been shattered by Russia’s decision.”
Niazai warned that the long-term effects of bans on girls’ and women’s education would be catastrophic for public health. “If these bans continue, Afghanistan will not have enough trained female doctors, nurses, or paramedics. That means more women and children will die from preventable causes,” she said.
She also raised concerns about forced migration. “Many families, even those with limited means, will try to leave the country so their daughters can get an education. If the Taliban will not change their policies, people will leave — not just for opportunity, but for survival.”
Silenced, unemployed
The media landscape in Afghanistan has also been deeply impacted. After the fall of Kabul, many independent news outlets either shut down or drastically scaled back their operations. Female journalists have been among the worst hit.
Mujda Azizi, a Kabul-based reporter, lost her job soon after the Taliban takeover due to funding cuts and the regime’s repressive media policies.
“It wasn’t just a job for me. It was how I supported my entire family,” she said. “Now, only a handful of women remain in media organisations, and most of us cannot find work.”
Her experience is echoed by others. Kashmala Ahmadzai*, another journalist still living in Afghanistan, said women’s mobility has been severely curtailed.
“Under the previous government, we could go shopping, visit tourist spots or go to beauty salons. That’s all gone now,” she said. “We’re confined to our homes. Our public existence is vanishing.”
According to the Afghan Independent Journalists Union (AIJU), 255 of the country’s 665 media outlets have closed since August 2021. This has left over 7,000 media professionals unemployed, including more than 2,000 women. A 2024 survey by the AIJU found that around 4,808 media professionals are still working in Afghanistan — including 744 women — but under increasingly difficult conditions. Despite the emergence of 40 new media outlets under the Taliban, most are subject to intense censorship, financial limitations and restrictive cultural policies.
Ahmadzai also noted that since the Taliban banned girls’ education, cases of early-age marriages have risen across the country. “These are girls who should be in school, developing their minds and dreams. Instead, they’re being married off — and that will have a lasting impact on their mental health and their future.”
A wider shift in the making?
On July 4, just one day after Russia announced its recognition of the Taliban, the Chinese government publicly welcomed the decision. Observers believe this may be the start of a broader shift in regional diplomacy.
Sher Hasan, a Moscow-based Afghan political analyst, said that Russia has maintained informal relations with the Taliban for years. “Even when United States and NATO troops were stationed in Afghanistan, Russia kept its channels open,” he said. “Moscow viewed Western presence in the region as a security threat — one that could escalate drug trafficking and militant activity in its neighbouring states.”
Now, as both Russia and the Taliban face international sanctions, Hasan believes they are seeking to strengthen bilateral ties as a strategy to mitigate shared vulnerabilities. “They see mutual benefit, especially in combating drug trade and cross-border militancy,” he said.
The elusiveness of wider acceptance
However, recognition by a few regional powers is unlikely to prompt widespread acceptance. “Unless Western nations — particularly the United States — change their stance, Pakistan and many others are unlikely to move toward recognition,” Hasan added.
Karokhail echoed this point, urging regional actors to remember their international responsibilities. “Yes, countries have national interests,” she said. “But they have also signed human rights conventions and treaties. They have a legal and moral obligation to ensure that Afghanistan doesn’t become a black hole for human dignity.”
For their part, the Taliban insist that girls’ education in Afghanistan is a domestic matter and that human rights are being upheld under ‘Sharia and national law’. In public statements, the regime has claimed that the media is free and that women's rights are being protected — assertions widely contradicted by reports from inside the country.
As Afghan women face increasing restrictions, loss of livelihoods, and isolation from the world, many continue to speak out at great personal risk, hoping their voices will still reach those in power.
*Names have been changed to ensure safety of sources