The new year began with a sense of optimism for Kurram district, which had endured intense sectarian tension and violence in the final weeks of 2024. After three weeks of discussions, a Grand Jirga held in Kohat concluded with a peace agreement, raising hopes for stability in the region. K-P government spokesperson Barrister Muhammad Ali Saif heralded the agreement as the start of a "new era of peace and development" for Kurram, as he revealed that the parties involved in the violence had agreed to surrender their weapons and dismantle their bunkers.
However, the mood quickly shifted in the days since as the spectre violence once again hung over the district. On Saturday a firing incident in Lower Kurram injured the district’s deputy commissioner and a police officer. As the K-P government took a tougher stance, with Barrister Saif declaring that any group engaging in aggression after the peace agreement would be treated as terrorists, concerns about the fragile ceasefire in the district persist.
Geography and demographics
Kurram, located in the northwest of Pakistan along the Durand line, shares borders with Kohat in the southeast, North Waziristan in the south and Khyber and Orakzai districts in the east. The total area of the district is 3,380 square kilometres. It also shares borders with the Khost, Paktia, and Nangarhar (Tora Bora) provinces of the Afghanistan. The area, called the ‘Parrot’s Beak’ for its unique shape, remained one of the main passages for the incursion of the so called mujahideen forces combating the Soviets in Afghanistan during the 1980s.
Kurram is the only district in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa where the Shia community forms the majority, although Sunni majority areas surround it. The district is divided into three parts: Upper, Lower and Central Kurram. Over 80 per cent of the population of Upper Kurram (important strategically for its location) is Shia. Lower Kurram is rather more diverse in contrast, with both Shia and Sunni communities living there. While Central Kurram has a significant Sunni population and although it is the largest region – it consists of over 100 villages in contrast to a combined 164 in Upper and Lower Kurram – it is largely underdeveloped.
The recent tensions
The district has experienced deadly sectarian violence at regular intervals over the past several decades. However, these sectarian identities and hostilities were exacerbated by the Afghan Jihad, which began in 1978, along with other contributing factors.
On November 21, 49 men, women and children were killed in an ambush on a convoy of Shia passengers travelling from Parachinar in Kurram district to Peshawar. That tragic and grisly attack had been preceded by the killing of one Sunni teacher and seven individuals from the Shia sect in Upper Kurram, which had already heightened tensions in the area given the history of sectarian violence.
In retaliation to the November 21 ambush, an armed group reportedly aided by the Zainebiyoun Brigade, rampaged in the nearby predominantly Sunni village of Bagan, killing, maiming and torching village, amidst allegations of kidnapping women.
Altogether, over a hundred lives are believed to have been lost in the violence as horrifying scenes and images, such as of vans carrying dead bodies on the road, the burning of the Bagan bazaar, and the severed head of an elderly man said to be a prayer leader of the local mosque, were shared on social media.
The first step to restore peace was to cease hostilities, through a ceasefire agreed through the efforts of local tribal elders and the administration. However, while those efforts bore fruit, clashes persisted despite the ceasefire, pushing the death toll to 130. Additionally, shops, schools and roads, including the main road connecting Parachinar to Thall, remained closed. This was followed by another ceasefire between the conflicting parties.
History of violence
Grave problems don’t grow overnight or all of a sudden. The events of today are rooted in history. Therefore, in order to comprehend the conflict in Kurram it has to be analysed in its historical perspective.
The conflict dates back to 1938, when sectarian clashes erupted in Lucknow. In their zeal to support to their sect, some Kurram tribesmen decided to get involved. Those of the other side in Kurram opposed their move. Thus the seeds of sectarian tensions were sown at that time. In the years that followed, the issue always remained localised and would be resolved easily through the Jirgas by the political administration.
The metamorphic changes brought about by the economy of the Afghan War, and the emergence of sectarian militant and political organisations linked outwardly, tore the fabric of the tribal society. The changing dynamics and the ever-increasing role of security apparatus due to the Afghan conflict gradually erode the institutions of political agent and maliks. As a consequence, the sectarian situation would often end up going out of hand.
Seen in the chronological order, after the birth of Pakistan, the first conflict occurred during a Muharram procession at Saada in 1961. A decade later, a dispute over the construction of a mosque minaret ignited clashes at Parachinar.
In 1987, the kidnapping of one individual from a predominantly Sunni village near Parachinar triggered armed sectarian clashes between the residents of nearby villages. The kidnapper had carried out the abduction in response to the disappearance of his brother.
In the 1980s, a major cause behind the tensions was the armed resistance by the Turi tribe to Mujahideen infiltrating Afghanistan via Upper Kurram. Both sides used heavy weapons that led to immense loss of lives and capital. The situation worsened to the point that the Pakistan Army had to step in to control it.
Sectarian tensions in Kurram gained more momentum when the Taliban ascended to power in Afghanistan in 1996. A year later, hundreds were killed in Parachinar following an incident involving schoolboys who wrote derogatory slurs aimed at the other sect. That conflict spread all over the then Kurram Agency. A Jirga tried to strike a truce but could not succeed.
A decade later, in 2007, a major sectarian clash erupted in Parachinar and triggered widespread violence that left hundreds dead and displaced thousands. Once again, Pakistan Army and security forces had to intervene. A curfew was imposed for a few days, until a Jirga brokered a truce between the rival sectarian groups. It is believed that surge in violence also came against the backdrop of the attempt by Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan to take over Kurram.
The fighting continued sporadically over the next several years, often escalating during religious festivals. Two large-scale skirmishes took place in 2008. The first was sparked on April 6, when an Eid Miladun Nabi procession was fired upon, leaving scores dead and injured. Then, a large-scale clash took place between the predominantly Shia Balishkhel village and the predominantly Sunni Sadda village. The violence spread to the entirety of Kurram, resulting in several deaths on both sides. Finally, a ceasefire agreement was concluded in Islamabad on September 26, 2008, popularly known as the ‘Islamabad Accord’.
The second sectarian conflict in 2008 took place in October, when the predominantly Shia village of Pewar was attacked by heavily armed militants. The predominantly Sunni village of Mangalan was attacked by fanatics with heavy weapons soon after. Finally, a ceasefire agreement was concluded between the parties in Murree on October 16, 2008, which is popularly called the ‘Murree Peace Accord’.
However, a year later, in June, sectarian groups started fighting once again over the constructions of bunkers in Khar Kali and Balishkhel. The clash, again, spread to the rest of the agency and lasted 12 days, until, on June 29, the Jirga of elders concluded a ceasefire agreement.
The year 2010 witnessed clashes between the Turi and Mangal tribes. The Mangal tribe, which is Sunni, were once the clients of the Shia Turi tribe who had gained considerable economic power due to the war economy of the Afghan Jihad. The war in Afghanistan had empowered the Turis enough to purchase land and engage in construction which created friction with the Mangals. The disagreements turned into open conflict, often using heavy weapons, a fruit of Afghan Jihad, in the lower Kurram region. This tribal conflict was compounded due to longstanding grievances over land disputes and religious differences. Casualties were reported in the hundreds, with many families displaced.
In the village of Shalozan, a land dispute between groups from different sects also resulted in a large-scale conflict that caused casualties and displaced several families the same year. Meanwhile, the predominantly Shia Kaiwas village came under attack in September 2010. Believing the attack to carried out by the people of Mangalan village, the Kaiwas residents burnt the village to ashes. Assailants, meanwhile, recaptured Kaiwas itself. The violence subsided on September 24 following yet another ceasefire agreement.
Between 2007 and 2011, the main Thall-Parachinar Road remained closed, forcing the inhabitants to use the route from Afghanistan. Realising the gravity, the elders of both the sects decided to open this road in 2011. It was on February 4, 2011 that a 220-member Jirga agreed to enter a truce effective the following day. But in October, sporadic sectarian clashes took place once more, between the Pewar and Pewar Tangi villages. Eventually, another peace agreement was concluded.
From 2019 to 2022, cross borders attacks in the form of shelling from militants based in Afghanistan targeted the Shia population of Parachinar. In addition to the loss of life and casualties, the attacks kept sectarian tensions fresh in the mind of the people of Kurram.
Roots of the problem
Most of the clashes in Kurram have occurred over grazing grounds, mountains, Shamilat land, minarets, watercourses and religious processions. Although such conflicts occur in all other tribal districts, the demographics of Kurram often give it sectarian tinge. The movement of militant elements through Kurram (including the famous escape of Al Qaeda members and leaders through Tora Bora) exacerbated the problem. Likewise, the shifting of the Haqqani network from North Waziristan is also links to the tensions.
Reports emanating from various sources suggest that at present, the areas afflicted with major land disputes include common ones such as Balishkhel, Bushera and Taida. Land disputes also persist between rival villages like Pewar and Gido or Ghoz Garhi and Kunj Alizai. A water dispute between the Kharoti and Pewar villages is also one of the sources of irritation. Similarly, a forest dispute between the Badama and Parachamkani villages raises the possibility of violence.
Most importantly, among the former tribal agencies, the Mir Ali tehsil of North Waziristan and Kurram were the only places where the British conducted the first land settlement in 1901. The settlement was updated in 1943-44.
In 2021, the K-P government formed a Land Commission to figure out settlements of unmeasured disputed land called Shamilat in the Gido, Pewar, Boshera, Dandar, and Ghoz Gari villages of Upper Kurram. The areas identified for settlement in Lower Kurram include the Balishkhel, Shurko and Sadda Shamilat. Until now, 500,000 kanals of 33 mouzas have been settled and digitised, and the subsequent report has been shared with the provincial government for implementation.
External factors
The Saur Revolution in Afghanistan, the subsequent Soviet intervention to support it, the overt operations driven by Reagan's Doctrine, and the Islamic Revolution in Iran were pivotal events that significantly influenced ideological alignments in the region.
The breakup of Iraq, the infighting in Syria, and the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has intensified sectarian conflict worldwide. Many individuals from both sects travelled to these regions to support their ideological allies. Upon returning as battle-hardened veterans, equipped with combat experience and skills, they further exacerbated tensions and violence in places like Kurram. The situation was further aggravated by the involvement of militant organisations on both sides such as Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Sipah-e-Sahaba, Islamic State, the Ghazi Force, Tehreek-e-Taliban, Sipah-e-Muhammad and the Zainabiyoun Brigade.
Internal factors and administrative issues
With the marginalisation of local administration due to Kurram's status as a conflict zone — especially after 9/11 — a vacuum emerged that was quickly filled by violent non-state actors. This shift allowed security forces such as the Frontier Corps to take a lead role, sidelining the traditional administrative mechanisms for conflict resolution.
Adding to the challenge, tribal maliks — once key figures in mediating disputes — became primary targets of militant organisations and were killed with impunity. Their diminishing influence further eroded the tribal framework that had historically helped maintain order.
Compounding the instability was the misuse of cyberspace, where propaganda campaigns aimed at undermining rival groups intensified sectarian tensions, fanning the flames of conflict.
The peace accord
After weeks of barbaric violence and unrest that resulted in the closure of roads and the shortage of essential items, sanity prevailed as the administration brokered peace accord between the parties. The seven-page agreement has 14 points, which were mutually agreed between the warring sides from Upper and Lower Kurram, and endorsed by members of the Grand Jirga, convened in Kohat to settle issues. The main terms of the accord are as follows.
As per the agreement, members of the Kurram Peace Committee and both warring sides would be bound to uphold the Murree Agreement of 2008, as well as all other previous accords for the benefit of locals and the establishment of peace in the area.
The emphasis is that the authorities would take strict action against those trespassing on roads, while village and peace committees have been asked to cooperate with the government and law enforcement agencies.
In case of any untoward incident on the main road, the area people will be bound to prove their innocence in line with (local) traditions. Those harbouring and facilitating miscreants would be considered guilty under the law and local traditions. Decisions of the Khyper-Pakhtunkwa Apex Committee would be followed to ensure the security of the road.
Regarding the repatriation of displaced persons under the Murree Agreement, the Jirga agreed that they would be allowed to return to their native areas and no hurdles would be created in that process.
To make it effective, a sub-committee would be formed under the chairmanship of the Kurram deputy commissioner, assisted by the district police chief and two members each from Upper and Lower Kurram. That committee would be responsible for addressing the hurdles and reservations regarding the repatriation of the displaced persons.
The long-standing land disputes in the Gedu, Pewar Alizai, Balishkhel, Dandar, Ghoz Ghari, Nisti Kot, Kunj Alizai, Shorko, Sadda and Bagan Alizai areas would be resolved in the light of revenue records and local traditions, in line with the terms of reference of the land commission.
The aforementioned land commission would immediately start working in the designated areas, supported by the peace committee, district administration and law enforcement agencies.
In areas where Section 144 is already imposed, both parties would be made to implement all previous orders, as well as solutions to all previously resolved disputes.
The Jirga also agreed to a ban on the display of weapons and the collection of donations for purchasing arms. “Both parties would provide a comprehensive course of action to authorities within a fortnight regarding bans on arms in line with provincial cabinet’s decision,” Both sides would not use arms and weapons against each other, and in case of any violation, the government would with the assistance of peace committee would take action. Besides, law enforcement agencies would also be empowered to confiscate arms and a fine of Rs10 million would be imposed on the village and area in question
To ensure peace in the district, no person or tribe would be allowed to turn their personal disputes into sectarian ones, and there would ban on outlawed sectarian outfits opening offices and working in the area.
No hurdles and restrictions would be allowed on roads and both sides have agreed to ensure the protection of those seeking shelter, and committed not to dishonour women or desecrate bodies.
All those employed by the state and private entities, including teachers, judicial staff and others, would be allowed to work in any part of the district without fears
Local elders would be bound to provide security to such employees, in line with the Pashtun tradition of hospitality.
Those fomenting on social media would be dealt strictly and would be regarded as enemies of both sides.
In case of issues between two villages; other villages and sects would not get involved and the peace committee would try to settle the issue. There would also be a complete ban on the construction of bunkers in the area, and existing ones would be destroyed within a month. Whichever side resorts to violence after the dismantling of the bunkers will be considered terrorists by the authorities.
The recent agreement signed by the parties has made the Muree Agreement of 2008 as the base for settlement of the disputes, which has been referred thereto in the draft, therefore, requires, proper attention. The main clauses of the Agreement were:
- The rival tribes agreed they would vacate occupied bunkers and return to their respective areas. In the case of a violation of the agreement, the offending tribe would have to pay a fine of Rs60 million.
- Roads closed for the last one and a half year would be re-opened, and sectarian groups would return to their areas. All bunkers would be controlled by the Frontier Constabulary and the dead bodies would be exchanged between the tribes.
- Peshawar-Parachinar Road would be opened, with the declaration assigning responsibility for its security to the government.
- A follow up Jirga would be held that would arrange for all tribal groups to vacate each other's territory within Kurram Agency.
What needs to be done?
The administration, including police and security forces, must strive to be perceived by all sects as impartial and wise allies, committed to safeguarding life, property, and honour. The closer they come to embodying this ideal, the greater the community's trust and cooperation will be. To achieve this, accessibility and neutrality are paramount.
To uphold the state's authority, all violent non-state actors must be held accountable through justice. Contrary to the misconception that increased weaponisation ensures peace, reducing the prevalence of arms in the region is crucial for stability.
Long-standing disputes over land, mountains, and watercourses should be addressed through arbitration, involving respected elders from both sects with the authority to mediate and resolve conflicts. This approach can pave the way for sustainable peace and coexistence.
Speeches of all sermon leaders and other firebrand speakers should be monitored. Those using words injuring the sentiments of others should be immediately prosecuted. There should be strict ban on wall chalking. Insecure areas should be covered by deployment of forces on roads and vantage points.
The Land Settlement Commission about disputes in Upper and Lower Kurram should be implemented. Similarly, the Commission should also resolve land disputes of Central Kurram.
Competency and integrity should be the main consideration while posting officers in the district. An alternative dispute resolution system should be activated in order to ensure prompt justice.
Terror financing and funding must be choked. There should be zero tolerance against violent extremism. A policy of appeasement should be avoided.
Why previous agreements failed?
One major reason for the lack of implementation lies in the frequent changes in administration, the erosion of traditional value systems, and the inadequate capacity of those tasked with ensuring compliance. Compounding this issue are differing interpretations of peace agreements by involved parties. For example, the Murree Agreement failed to deliver results because it was criticised as being too Parachinar-centric and was deemed unrelated to the reopening of the Thall-Parachinar Road at the time.
Ultimately, peace will remain elusive unless the influence of local Taliban militants, Daesh elements, warlords, and similar groups is fully eradicated not only within Kurram but also in the surrounding districts.
The challenges in Kurram reflect a broader governance crisis that persists throughout Pakistan, highlighting the urgent need for systemic reforms and effective conflict resolution mechanisms.
Dr Syed Akhtar Ali Shah is a former Secretary to Government, Home & Tribal Affairs Department and a retired IG. He can be emailed at: aashah77@yahoo.com
All facts and information are the sole responsibility of the author