A show of guns and power
A curious trend on social media is the videos and reels that showcase affluent individuals flaunting their personal armed guards in escort cars. Such content is alarmingly gaining momentum on TikTok, Instagram, Facebook, and Snapchat. The videos doing the rounds on these platforms show rich people, particularly youngsters, parading their wealth through convoys of gunmen while cruising in luxury vehicles complete with tinted windows. These ostentatious displays serve as both status symbols and tools of intimidation.
On social media you can catch the dramatic entrances of such elites, whether they are attending funerals, weddings, or social events; their hired guards rush out and take strategic positions, mimicking the security protocols of VVIPs and ministers. These reels and videos uploaded online are designed to impress, intimidate and bolster the image of the well-heeled of our society.
"When I first started making videos for social media, I only got a few hundred views," recounted Mir Balach Khan, 32, who shares videos of his armed gunmen on social media. "But once I began featuring armed escorts in my reels, my followers reached two million across various platforms. Now, each of my videos surpass a million views," he said.
Khan has a huge fan following now. "I've gained immense popularity because of these stunts,” he said, laughing. “People recognise me all over Pakistan. Even in places where I'm a complete stranger, people approach me with admiration, eager to take photos."
In our socio-political milieu, a concerning and unlawful tradition persists among the feudal elite: the employment of private armed gunmen. A controversial hallmark of affluence and influence, among the country's wealthiest and most powerful families, the culture of armed gunmen can be seen in urban metropolises where individuals in palatial homes and rural roots maintain their influence.
It is also pervasive in the rural areas of Punjab, Sindh, and the tribal regions of Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where the practice is firmly institutionalised, reflecting a broader pattern of feudal power dynamics and socio-political control which affects both rural and urban landscapes. While gunmen are privately hired to protect their employers from threats and ensure their security, the implications of owning a security detail extend far beyond mere personal safety.
As it casts a dark shadow over society and accentuates the stark divide between the privileged elite and the general populace, it also reflects the latent tensions and disparities afflicting our society. With power dynamics between the protected and the unprotected becoming more pronounced, debates about legality, security, and human rights arise.
Why private gunmen?
Deeply rooted in our history of feudalism, the tradition of maintaining private security personnel has evolved into a mechanism for exerting control, instilling fear, and perpetuating a cycle of violence and dominance.
"Feudal lords have committed numerous atrocities against the general public and live in constant fear of retribution," said Abdul Majeed Badeni, an MPA from PB-16, Jaffarabad representing Jamaat-Islami Pakistan. "They often usurp other people's lands and fuel tribal clashes to maintain control over their tribes and the broader community. This results in ongoing tribal disputes, land conflicts, and personal vendettas, making personal protection a necessity," he explained.
Local law enforcement agencies, such as the police and levies, provide limited security. Hence the demand for a larger security presence drives feudal lords to hire their own private gunmen.
"It is not just about security -- it's a status symbol and a clear demonstration of power and influence within the community," Badeni said. "These private security forces help feudal lords exert control over local politics and communities, leveraging their financial means to afford such luxuries, unlike the general population."
Keeping large numbers of armed personnel, the sardars, waderas, and nawabs demonstrate their tribal and personal muscle power within their constituencies. "They use these guards to harass and intimidate, transforming this show of force into political leverage," said the MPA. "But people are becoming increasingly aware of their rights. They are no longer intimidated by this primitive and oppressive culture," continued Badeni, who himself does not employ private guards or police gunmen. “I am loved and respected by my constituents, and I do not feel threatened by the public. My party wins hearts through performance, providing schools, colleges, roads, and hospitals to meet the basic needs and rights of the people."
The ineffectiveness of law enforcement against private security further perpetuates this practice. "Laws against maintaining private security forces are often ignored, allowing feudal lords to operate with impunity," Badeni pointed out.
Cultural pressure
Origins
"Feudalism was a system wherein land ownership and exclusive rights were reserved for a privileged few with close ties to monarchies or political authorities," explained Dr Bashir Jatoi, assistant professor at University of Sindh, Jamshoro. "Feudal lords were tasked with recruiting people from their fief to train and organise them as armed personnel to defend the realm during crises and to collect taxes from commoners, which were then channelled to the royal treasury. The general populace had no say in estate management. Instead, feudal lords reported directly to the central authority, demanding unwavering loyalty from their subjects."
Jatoi further discussed how historical conquerors and rulers, including the Sultanate period, the Mughals, and the British, managed to exert control over the region by exploiting internal strife and rivalries among local communities.
"Post 1857, the British recognised the necessity for federal sovereignty over the fiefs, ensuring their complete dependence on the state,” he added. “The British administration's need for tax revenue drove the transformation of feudal lords into capitalists, a transition that continued after partition."
That is why elements of feudalism and feudal culture endure in the present day, particularly in the economically disadvantaged regions of Sindh, KP, Balochistan and Punjab. Despite minimal industrialisation, landowners in rural areas of Pakistan have amassed considerable economic and political power.
"Feudalism, embodied by zamindars [landowners], tribal leaders, and Pirs, persists across every province,” he said. “In rural areas, large estates, peasants, and private jails are commonplace. These feudal lords recruit private gunmen from their peasantry, biradari [community] or those residing in their sphere of influence, using them as a demonstration of power, to showcase their strength, and to secure political leverage."
Sardar Gazen Khan Husrani provides a glimpse into the pressures and complexities surrounding the practice of employing private armed personnel among tribal leaders. "My father never took armed personnel with him, despite being the head of our tribe and a highly influential figure in the area," says Husrani. "He regarded it as a cheap publicity stunt to appeal to the masses and to boost one's self-importance."
After his father's passing, Husrani inherited the chieftaincy and donned the turban. "Initially, I followed in my father's footsteps and did not carry armed gunmen," he recounts. "However, I faced significant pressure from members of my tribe, who insisted that our tribe was perceived as weak and of low status compared to others because I did not have armed personnel."
Husrani was also pressurised by his biradari members living in Gulf countries. They shared that they were being mocked by members of other tribes and castes for their sardar and tribe being weak sans gunmen," he explains. “They begged me to have an armed escort and even offered to cover all the expenses."
Eventually, Husrani recruited private gunmen. "Now, I carry them as part of my escort," he says. "The people of my tribe are very pleased and proudly show pictures and videos of me with my armed personnel around."
The entire expense of Husrani’s armed gunmen is borne by overseas members of his tribe, especially those residing in Gulf countries.
The law
In cases where individuals or institutions feel that the current government law enforcement security is inadequate, they can legally hire private guards through registered private security companies. Originally governed by the Private Security Companies Ordinance, 2001, a clearer and more comprehensive policy, named the Establishment and Functioning of Private Security Companies Policy, 2018, was introduced. This policy, enacted under the powers conferred upon the Ministry of Interior by the Rules of Business, 1973, outlines detailed regulations regarding jurisdiction, eligibility, SOPs, uniforms, fees, training of gunmen, and monitoring and regulation.
Advocate Tarique Ali Mastoi emphasised that despite laws prohibiting the employment of private personal gunmen and the public exhibition of weapons, these practices persist unchecked. He noted, "Apart from the services provided by registered private security companies, any person recruiting or carrying armed personnel to form their own private force is engaging in illegal activity which must be dealt with according to the law."
Furthermore, the National Action Plan for countering terrorism, approved by parliament on December 24, 2014, specifically prohibits the recruitment of armed personnel and the formation of armed gangs.
"There is a pressing need for comprehensive legislation by the parliament to address and eradicate the culture of private armed gunmen,” elaborates Mastoi. “This legislation should not only reinforce existing laws but also introduce stringent measures to ensure accountability and enforcement."
Weapons
According to the Sindh Arms Rules, 2018, which were made under the Sindh Arms Act, 2013, only non-prohibited bore arms licenses (NPB licenses) were issued by the Sindh Government. Meanwhile, prohibited bore arms licenses (PB licenses) and antique or vintage licenses are issued by the Federal Government under the Pakistan Arms Rules, 2023, which were framed under the Pakistan Arms Ordinance, 1965.
"The responsibility for approving license issuance within their prescribed quotas lies with the Chief Minister, Home Minister and the Home Secretary of Sindh, as well as Deputy Commissioners of relevant districts," said Saleemullah Odho, the Deputy Commissioner of Tando Allahyar. "To be eligible for a personal arms license, applicants must be Pakistani citizens, at least 25 years old, and domiciled in Sindh. For institutional licenses, the applying institutions must be registered under the law and operate for lawful purposes."
Odho highlighted that individuals are ineligible for a personal or institutional arms license if they have been convicted of offenses against the state, suspected of being members of proscribed organisations or found guilty of serious crimes such as murder, dacoity, robbery and theft or acts involving moral turpitude, cruelty or violence. Additionally, individuals deemed unsuitable by local police due to their general conduct or previous records or those who are mentally or psychologically infirm [to the extent that carrying a weapon is considered inadvisable] are also ineligible."
"A license may allow the appointment of one retainer, who must meet the same conditions as the licensee,” explains Odho. “The retainer is authorised to hold or carry the licensed arm only in the presence of the licensee and is prohibited from using the weapon under any circumstances."
He also pointed out that the licensing authority can suspend and, after due notice, cancel a license if the licensee becomes ineligible according to the rules.
"Once a license is issued, the licensee has 60 days to purchase an arm of the specified category and must apply to the licensing authority for its entry on the license,” he says. “The licensee must present the license and the weapon at the local police station within 15 days of purchase for registration. Non-compliance with these requirements can result in the cancellation of the license."
Movement
Led by Nasrullah Gadani, a journalist from the Mirpur Mathelo Press Club, a movement against feudal elite corruption and their gunmen-culture gained momentum on Facebook and TikTok, not long ago. He coined the slogans "Bhotar My Foot" and "Wadera My Foot" (Feudal under my foot) to challenge the entrenched power structures.
Gadani took to Facebook Live, where he regularly broadcast encounters with sardars and waderas flanked by their armed escorts. Through these live streams, he exposed the stark reality of feudal dominance to his followers, highlighting the misuse of power and the perpetuation of fear in rural communities. His courageous efforts sparked widespread debate and brought much-needed attention to the pervasive issue of feudalism in Sindh.
Despite receiving numerous threats from the gunmen of sardars, Gadani remained undeterred. He continued his awareness campaign, even broadcasting live when he was chased by armed gunmen on two separate occasions.
On May 21, Gadani's crusade came to a tragic end. While riding his motorcycle near Korai village around 12 km away from Mirpur Mathelo, he was targeted by armed assailants in broad daylight. He was airlifted to Karachi for treatment but succumbed to his injuries on May 24. His death underscores the severe risks faced by those who dare to challenge the entrenched power of feudal lords in Pakistan.
“His slogan, emblazoned on Gadani's motorbike number plate, became a top trend on social media after his death," said Mastoi, a 38-year-old social-media activist. "Nasrullah's death sparked protests across Sindh. People from all walks of life condemned feudal elites and their gunmen culture.” The prime suspect of the murder, believed to be a private gunman for a local sardar, was arrested.