Barbara Slavin is a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center in Washington and a lecturer in international affairs at George Washington University. Prior to joining Stimson, she founded and directed the Future of Iran Initiative at the Atlantic Council and led a bi-partisan task force on Iran.
Slavin’s areas of expertise encompass Iran, the Arab-Israeli conflict, Islamic fundamentalism, and North Korea. She served as a public policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Centre for Scholars, which contributed to writing her book "Bitter Friends, Bosom Enemies: Iran, the US and the Twisted Path to Confrontation", which is a well-received exploration of Iranian politics and overviewed the chances of US-Iran reconciliation.
Having visited Iran on nine occasions, Slavin has a deep understanding of the region. Additionally, as a senior fellow at the US Institute of Peace, she conducted research and authored the report "Mullahs, Money, and Militias: How Iran Exerts Its Influence in the Middle East."
Palestine-Israel conflict
MY: How do you view the regional geopolitics of Israel-Palestine conflict as a veteran journalist and where do you see a solution?
BS: I see it as a tragic clash between two traumatised peoples who both want to live in sovereign, secure, successful states. Hard as it is to imagine now, I still think a two-state solution is the only way to satisfy these conflicting claims.
MY: How do you see your role in the current crises in the Middle East, which are only escalating day by day?
BS: I do my best to analyse events without being too judgmental, and to explain why the news is happening, in particular the historical context.
MY: As a human rights commentator, how do you see the role of US President Biden in the Israel war on Gaza? Why do you think it is being criticised so badly?
BS: Biden has good instincts. He was right to embrace Israel after the awful Hamas atrocities of October 7, last year. However, I would have liked him to have been more critical sooner and to publicly threaten to condition US aid as Israel continues to inflict mass casualties and destruction on Gaza.
MY: After Biden's stance in Israel and Hamas war, how do you see the forthcoming presentational elections in the US especially in the context of the Muslim community in the US?
BS: My hope is that American Muslims, while unhappy about US support for Israel, will still prefer Biden to Trump or another Republican. Remember that Republicans have traditionally been even more pro-Israel than Democrats and that Trump was the president who imposed a “Muslim ban,” moved the US Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and pushed for the Abraham Accords at the expense of the Palestinians.
MY: What is your take on that Muslims and the non-Muslims’ view that the US and the West have double standards on human-right issues on the international front, which is evident by the civilian killings in Gaza?
BS: I agree that many in the US value European lives over those of people in the Global South. Such double standards hurt US influence globally and boost US competitors such as China, despite China’s own repressive policies toward Muslims and other ethnic minorities. There is plenty of hypocrisy around the world on human rights.
MY: How can Israel's war on Gaza be a testing case for the OIC Arab League and their foreign policy?
BS: They should put together a formula for a transition to a Palestinian state led by a renewed and reformed Palestinian Authority. They should make diplomatic relations with Israel contingent on Israeli acceptance of such a plan. Countries that have already established relations — such as the UAE and Bahrain — should downgrade ties until there is a cease-fire in Gaza and a workable plan for the future.
MY: Is the Israel and Hamas war a blessing for China and Russia? How does the war impact the Muslim states of the world, the OIC and the Arab League?
BS: The war has helped take attention off Russia’s aggression in Ukraine and China’s threats against Taiwan. They have been able to point to US failures. As for the OIC and Arab League, it is a chance for them to show leadership as I specified above.
MY: How would you explain the division of Iranian Shiite clerics on Palestine?
BS: Some Shi’ite clerics have embraced a two-state solution for Israel/Palestine. Even the Iranian government has come closer to this position since October 7, but if Iran really wants to be taken seriously as a responsible member of the international community, it should contribute to a diplomatic solution and not confine itself to arming militant proxies.
MY: What would you say about the US-Iran relationship in the context of Israel's genocide in Palestine?
BS: I believe Israel has committed war crimes in Gaza, but not genocide. The Palestinian-Israeli dispute and Iran’s rejection of Israel’s right to exist are at the heart of the US-Iran divide. If there is a progress on this issue, the US and Iran will have a better chance to repair relations.
Iran
MY: With your decades of experience, remarkable insight, and deep relationships in the region, how do plan to continue your work with Iran?
BS: I will continue to reach out to Iranian academics, officials, journalists, and ordinary citizens to try to better understand the country and its trajectory as well as its regional posture.
MY: Tell us about the Future of Iran Initiative at the Atlantic Council and the bi-partisan task force you led on Iran?
BS: I was proud to head up a task force in 2013 that primarily focused on resolving the Iranian nuclear issue. The Future of Iran Initiative grew out of that work. I left the Atlantic Council a year ago, but am continuing to work on US-Iran relations and the broader Middle East.
MY: How do you see the Afghanistan and Iran water issues, in the context of a war between Afghanistan and Iran?
BS: That’s a tough one. Climate change is making this problem even more serious. There needs to be consultation between the countries on adequately sharing limited resources and many more efforts at conserving what little water there is.
MY: How do you see Iran’s foreign policy with Palestine and the neighbouring states of Pakistan and Afghanistan?
BS: As I mentioned above, Iran needs to be more pro-active in looking for a peaceful solution to the Palestine issue. Iran has relatively good relations with Pakistan based on mutual non-interference in each other’s internal affairs but could improve economic ties. Re Afghanistan, there are strains over water, drugs and refugees that should be better addressed.
MY: What would be your comments on Pakistan becoming a nuclear state in 1993, while Iran although being economically stronger is still striving to become a nuclear state?
BS: Pakistan never signed the NPT. Iran did and so is obliged not to develop nuclear weapons.
MY: Please explain Iran’s strategy in regard to its foreign policy and is it true that it exports political Islam in Muslim states?
BS: Iran supports Shi’ites in neighbouring countries and promotes its notion of clerical rule but with limited impact. It has been most successful in Lebanon with the creation of Hezbollah and thanks to the US invasion of Iraq, has strong influence in Iraq as well. Iran’s efforts to create a proxy in Azerbaijan have been less successful.
MY: How do you see Iran's forthcoming decade in its internal matters in the context of an Islamic rule of law and secular school of thought?
BS: At some point Ayatollah Khamenei will die and there will be a transition. Given how secular much of the population has become, I think there is likely to be an easing of Islamic rules. The form of government will remain repressive, with a heavy military influence perhaps superseding clerical power.
MY: Do you think that Iran faces a mountain of unresolved domestic problems, especially in the context of human rights?
BS: Yes.
MY: Since the Iranian revolution, the Iranian Supreme leadership has continuously accused the US of being behind all un-Islamic activities in Iran. What is the reality?
BS: Iran’s repressive system is the main cause of dissent.
MY: The Shia community consistently calls the US a Muslim enemy. How can Iranian hardliners and the US reconcile for the regional peace process?
BS: The US needs to respect Iran’s sovereignty and its regional influence while Iran needs to accept the fact that many countries in the region look to the US for security assistance because they fear Iran. Iran needs to accept Israel’s right to exist in the context of a two-state solution and to refrain from efforts to destabilise its Arab neighbours. It should also foreswear nuclear weapons.
MY: Why could Iran not fight for its water rights with Afghanistan and why is Iran on silent mode on the water issue with Afghanistan?
BS: It’s a complicated issue involving a history of dams and poor water and agriculture management in both countries. The Taliban doesn’t have the expertise to deal with these issues and in Iran, politics trumps environmentalism.
MY: What are your views on the new friendly relations Iran with Saudi Arab and the US?
BS: If you mean, Iranian reconciliation with Saudi Arabia, it’s a good thing to promote regional conflict resolution and economic progress as well as intra-Muslim dialog.
Regional politics
MY: Pakistan, Iran, China, Russia, the Central Asian States, and Turkey could emerge as a new block to counter security threats and engage in the economic growth and stability of the region, while Afghanistan can serve as a bridge to this block. How do you see the future for them, in the context of human rights and peace in the region?
BS: As long as Afghanistan is under Taliban rule, it will not be able to serve as a bridge to anything, I’m afraid.
MY: What is your view on China and Russia's ties with Israel? Can China and Russia jeopardise their relationship with Palestine and Iran?
BS: It’s appropriate that China and Russia have ties with Israel as well as Arab countries and Iran. I only wish they were more active in terms of conflict resolution.
MY: Since you have a Bachelor of Arts in Russian literature from Harvard University, do you think can we say the Putin war actions are a reflection of Russian literature?
BS: Putin is unique. He thinks he’s a tsar but acts more like a low-rent Stalin.
Pakistan
MY: The history of Pakistan and US relations show that Pakistan was often used for its vested interest? Do you agree?
BS: The US and Pakistan have used each other over the years. The US supported Pakistan against India for decades and worked with Pakistan to kick the Russians out of Afghanistan. Unfortunately, the result was the growth of Sunni jihadists who attacked the US on 9-11 and still menace Pakistan.
MY: At the end of the US Afghanistan war, why has the US left its moderate weapons in Afghanistan, which the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan use against Pakistan in its terrorist attacks? How should the US help Pakistan in this context?
BS: The US did not expect the Afghan government to fall as quickly as it did. It’s a tragedy that so many weapons were left behind that the Taliban and others were able to grab.
MY: How can US-Pakistan relations become long-lasting?
BS: There are important strategic reasons for this relationship despite many mutual frustrations. I sincerely believe that the US wants Pakistan to become more prosperous and stable so that it can contribute to wider regional success.
MY: How do you see the US attack on Afghanistan after 9/11, and U.S withdrawal from Afghanistan without a success story? How can the international community help to end the Taliban rule in Afghanistan?
BS: I understand the reasons for attacking Afghanistan were to go after al-Qaeda. However, the US made many mistakes such as refusing to include Taliban in a new coalition government. It also should never have invaded Iraq. That diverted attention and resources away from Afghanistan. The US stuck with the war in Afghanistan for 20 years, but eventually there was a bipartisan consensus that it was time to leave. Unfortunately, the Afghan government collapsed quickly, not allowing for an orderly transition.
MY: How can journalists fight for article 19 of UN Charter?
BS: As they say, journalism is not a crime. The most successful countries have the freest press to hold authorities accountable. All journalists should support each other and fight for their right to honestly do their jobs and without intimidation.
MY: How do you analyse Iran’s recent air attacks on Pakistan, Iraq, and Syria?
BS: Iran is trying to placate domestic hardliners who argue that the regime has not retaliated sufficiently for terrorist attacks. Taking advantage of the rising instability in the region. It seems everyone is bombing everywhere these days, but not always hitting the real targets.
Murad Yusufzai is a freelance contributor
All facts and information are the sole responsibility of the writer