That was the experience of India. Following the reforms instituted in 1991, the Indian economy left the path of what the country’s own economists called “the Hindu rate of growth”. The country quickly climbed on to a new growth trajectory that produced an average rate of increase in national output that was twice the Hindu rate of growth. In the 44-year period from 1947 to 1991, the average rate of increase in national income was 3.5 per cent a year. Since then, it has averaged 7.3 percent per annum. Several Latin American countries went through the same kind of experience, quickly recovering from slumps once the right set of policies ware put in place.
Pakistan also had periods of growth spurts that took the economic rate of growth close to 7 percent a year. This happened during the first half of the rule by President Ayub Khan; it happened again in 1982-89 when the country was governed by General Ziaul Haq; and it happened for the third time in 2001-07 during the presidency of General Pervez Musharraf. But it is important to understand that these were essentially deviations from the trend line; they were not the consequence of structural changes that could sustain high rates of growth over the long-run.
The Ayub model — in contrast to the one India had followed — gave considerable space to private enterprise. The government’s role was limited to providing encouragement, access to capital and investment in creating supporting infrastructure. It was during this period that a multibillion dollar investment programme was completed that included the building of two large dams. These works improved the already well-developed irrigation system and significantly increased hydro-power generation.
What should be the content of the policies to be adopted in order to move the economy on to a growth path much higher than the one it is on at this time? At this point, and once again relying on my work experience, I would make three observations. The first relates to the restoration of confidence in the country’s future among different segments of the population. Economies generally respond to the signals the policymakers give. At this time, the signal is that of indifference to the economy. There is anecdotal evidence of considerable amount of capital flight from the country because of the growing belief that Pakistan is not a safe place in which to keep money.
However, there will be a positive response if a different signal were to go out. Some of the capital that has left the country will come back if an impression was created that those who hold the reins of power would not spare any effort to put the economy back on track. More capital would be kept at home rather than taken outside the country. This could increase the rate of domestic investment by as much as two percentage points a year, resulting in adding half a percentage point to GDP growth rate.
The needed policy framework should be divided in two parts; one for the near-term, say the next three years and the other for the medium-term, say the next three to eight years. The programme for the near-term should focus on institutional reform aimed, to begin with, at three areas. The first and by far the most urgent is reform of the fiscal system by levying a consumption tax, incorporating the taxes on incomes that are outside the reach of the taxman, and improving the system of collection. How all this could be done has been detailed in a number of studies various individuals and development institutions have carried out for the government over the last several years. The second area would be to reform the system of accountability by giving its leadership autonomy and protection. The third part of the immediate effort should be to reform the civil service system. Again, this is an area of reform into which a great deal of thinking has already gone. These efforts should result in increasing investments and adding 2.5 percentage points to the growth rate bringing it to 6.5 percent by 2016.
For the longer term impact, four more areas will need to receive attention. They include easing the shortage of energy, both electricity and gas; improving the security situation; increasing trade with India; and incorporating six ‘positives’ in a grand development strategy. My list of positives is: agriculture, an engineering industry made up of thousands of small and medium enterprises; the demographic dividend; devolution of power from the centre to the provinces; arrival of one million well educated and trained women in into the work force; and the presence of large Pakistan diasporas in three continents. Such initiatives could increase the rate of economic growth to eight per cent by 2020, adding another 1.5 percentage points.
Published in The Express Tribune, September 3rd, 2012.
COMMENTS (9)
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How these people get into the World Bank is beyond me. My O levels teacher could have given a similar 'prescription'. My 18 year old geek of a brother could have done better, in fact.
@ Raw is war:
This coming from a 'hateful-Indian'! You would definitely know what 'manipulation' is, that you do on a regular basis. Manipulation is when you show economic growth of 7%+ for 20 years and still... 80% of your population lives under 2 USD a day 90% of your population doesn't have access to clean water 800 Million indians defecate in the open making india world's largest cess-pool More poor and more hungry malnourished in India than Africa Brahman controlled elite hiding under facade of democracy controlling 80% resources and exploiting the lower castes. Widest rich-poor gap in the world
If Musharraf was so clever that he hoodwinked IMF, World Bank, ADB, etc. and also fooled a Billion Indians as well, then he should be given a Nobel prize.
@Raw is War: "Dear sir, musharraf manipulated figures during his tenure. real growth was less." +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ And what stops us from manipulating figures once again?
I think Mr. Burki is missing a very important point when he thinks all that is needed is a good economic policy. Policies are just details and by themselves won't result in long-lasting and sustainable economic growth. To rightly put the horse before the cart, a nation has to have a social vision and the right priorities to support that vision. Pakistan's national priorities, being a security state powered by the military, have never been centered on social and economic uplift of the society.
The fleeting short-term growth mirage during the rein of the military dictators, were just that- mirage. These short-term bumps/outliers were largely due to foreign money pouring in or due to manipulation of economic data, as was practiced by Musharraf.
@Whats in the name: During the 70s and 80s, India grew at 2.5% to 3.5%. A 'good' government could not increase it beyond 3% to 3.5%. A 'bad' government could not reduce it below 2%. Indian economists and economic commentators started calling it the "Hindu rate of growth". Not now...but that label was affixed in the 80s, to indicate an inherent weakness or inability to take decisions that could become risky. There was and is no such thing as a "Muslim rate of growth"..and therefore this had nothing to with it.
Very informative article Burki Sahab.
Mr. Burki, Two points: 1. Structural-functionalism as a mode of analysis has been thrown out of window a longtime ago. 2. You are justifying military rule by associating it with growth. I hope you can understand the price that Pakistani state and society paid for these three military interventions.
Please don not forget that the problems of today are directly linked to military obtrusive rule.
@Author:“The Hindu rate of growth” Dear Author Could you please excuse me for my ignorance and explain to me what is Hindu Rate of Growth, is it low co related with low population growth rate. Do we have to interpret that High Rate of Growth would mean Muslim Rate of Growth as in Population Growth (1 or 2 as against 6 to 7), Please educate and enlighten me. Rgds P
and it happened for the third time in 2001-07 during the presidency of General Pervez Musharraf.
Dear sir, musharraf manipulated figures during his tenure. real growth was less.