Towards a weapon-free society

It is one thing to agree with de-weaponisation in principle and quite another to actually get down to making it happen


Naeem Sadiq March 03, 2016
The writer is a health, safety and environment consultant based in Karachi

“Karachi must be cleansed of all illicit arms, even if it calls for taking drastic steps like imposing a curfew,” stated a Supreme Court directive of 2013. The government was left with no option but to comply or at least appear to be doing so. As expected, it chose the latter option. Scores of ill-conceived newspaper ads were rolled out without any thought, plan, intention, resource or methodology. Two weeks (deadline period) and 30 million rupees later, less than 12 guns had been surrendered. That was the last that anyone ever heard of a ‘weapon recovery’ programme in Pakistan.

It is one thing to agree with the concept of de-weaponisation in principle and quite another to actually get down to making it happen. Notwithstanding the frequent, vague and impulsive proclamations for ‘complete de-weaponisation’ by our leaders, the government continues to push the citizens, schools, banks and organisations for yet more weapons. Could a parliament itself, endowed with 70,000 prohibited-bore weapon licences, be expected to give up its own prized possessions?

So we have two major hurdles. Firstly, the rulers and groups whose primary hobby, commerce or power base is dependent on the possession, use, sale and display of weapons. Secondly, an almost complete absence of data, planning, methodology, organisation and capacity, of those who would normally be required to check this menace. There is a staggering lack of understanding about the linkages between crime, corruption, militancy, militant groups, Operation Zarb-e-Azb and the 20 million weapons that trigger fear and death on the streets of Pakistan. The fact that the infamous National Action Plan (NAP) conveniently and completely missed out ‘de-weaponisation’ in its 20-point agenda is a measure of the disrespect, our well-armed and well-protected rulers have, for the security of the lesser citizens.

A decision to implement an ‘across-the-board’ de-weaponisation, is no less significant than launching military operations and ought to be taken by the very top political and military leadership of Pakistan. It is meaningless to have a ‘corridor of peace’ in the form of the CPEC when 200 million citizens continue to remain victims of violence and insecurity. Thus, the military must be tasked to spearhead a nationwide de-weaponisation programme along with Rangers, the police and other law-enforcing agencies. Issues like funds for buy-back of weapons, collection and storage facilities in every town, computerisation of records and NADRA-linked biometrics of individuals who give up weapons, need to be addressed and organised in advance of launching a programme. Needless to say that adequate and prompt compensation for the voluntary return of weapons would have a salutary effect on the owners’ decision-making process.

A de-weaponisation programme would typically begin by well-advertised public announcements that describe the entire process. A two-month amnesty period, cancellation of all existing licences, collection points, buy-back procedure, records, receipts and the specific consequences for failing to comply should be spelled out in full detail. Issuance of all types of licences, import, sale, movement and display of weapons must be banned simultaneously. An incentive programme must be designed to encourage citizens to provide information about those who continue to possess weapons. The already-issued licences are highly dubious. Most were issued without the required verification, sold in the market or given as bribes. Thus those claiming to have licensed or legal weapons must also be asked to surrender their weapons for a thorough and stringent scrutiny. The constitution provides the right of protection to all citizens (Article 25) and prohibits all private armies and militias (Article 256). Hence the concept of citizens possessing prohibited-bore or any kind of weapons for the purpose of security is contrary to the spirit of the constitution.

Willingness of the ruling elite to disarm itself, speedy trials and efficient execution of search and recovery programmes would be critical to the success of the de-weaponisation programme. Citizens would surrender weapons only if they are convinced of an even-handed application of law and if the consequences of non-compliance are prompt and severe. Surely, the ordinary citizens of Pakistan deserve as much peace and security as the goods and trucks that will soon be rumbling down the Pak-China corridor.

Published in The Express Tribune, March 4th, 2016.

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COMMENTS (1)

x | 8 years ago | Reply "The constitution provides the right of protection to all citizens (Article 25) and prohibits all private armies and militias (Article 256). Hence the concept of citizens possessing prohibited-bore or any kind of weapons for the purpose of security is contrary to the spirit of the constitution." The right of protection denied to all citizens (except a select few vvips) is also contrary to the spirit and letter of the constitution.
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