<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" xmlns:wfw="http://wellformedweb.org/CommentAPI/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom" xmlns:sy="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/syndication/" xmlns:slash="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/slash/" version="2.0"><channel>
                        <title>News Opinion &amp; Reviews - The Express Tribune</title>
                        <atom:link href="https://tribune.com.pk" rel="self" type="application/rss+xml"/>
                        <link>https://tribune.com.pk</link>
                        <description>The Express Tribune keeps you up to date with all the latest happenings from Pakistan and across the world!</description>
                        <lastBuildDate>Sat, 17 Oct 26 03:08:50 +0500</lastBuildDate>
                        <language>en-US</language>
                        <sy:updatePeriod>hourly</sy:updatePeriod>
                        <sy:updateFrequency>1</sy:updateFrequency>
                        <generator>https://laravel.com/</generator><item>
			<title>Rule by word of mouth!</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2635073/rule-by-word-of-mouth</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2635073/rule-by-word-of-mouth#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Thu, 15 Oct 26 19:40:09 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Agha Shah Waliullah]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2635073</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[In Pakistan, public officials may do only what the law allows]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[On October 3, the government launched a &quot;Plastic-Free Islamabad&quot; drive. Within days, a campaign against litter had become a campaign against lawful trade. Retailers and consumer goods companies were told to stop selling products packed in polyethylene terephthalate (PET), the clear plastic used for bottled water, soft drinks, juices and cooking oil. The instructions were verbal, attributed to the offices of the Chief Commissioner and the Chairman of the Capital Development Authority (CDA). From October 12, teams began sealing shops. No one has produced a written order, gazette notification or provision of law.

In Pakistan, public officials may do only what the law allows. The CDA Ordinance, 1960 limits the Chairman to duties &quot;assigned to them by or under this Ordinance&quot;. It deals with master plans, development schemes, land acquisition, buildings and, where notified, municipal functions. Its commodity-specific control concerns natural resources used as building material. Nothing in it lets the CDA decide which lawful goods may sit on a shop shelf. Even where it permits sealing, it requires a written order and a chance to be heard.

The Islamabad Capital Territory (Administration) Order, 1980, and the notification under it, let the capital&#39;s administrator exercise powers that existing laws give a &quot;Provincial Government&quot;, subject to federal instructions. That is a power to apply existing laws, not to create new bans. The Ministry of Interior cannot supply authority that Parliament has not given. Ministerial pledges to rid the city of plastic bottles by December 31 are policy announcements, not law.

Islamabad does have a plastics law. The Single-use Plastics (Prohibition) Regulations, 2023 were made by the Pakistan Environmental Protection Agency (Pak-EPA) under the Pakistan Environmental Protection Act, 1997. They name PET in their definition of plastic, then ban six items: polythene bags, straws, plastic crockery, cutlery, food-service ware and stirrers. PET bottles are not on the list. Instead, from July 2028, beverage bottles must contain at least 50 per cent recycled plastic. The choice was deliberate: PET is to be recycled, not banned.

On October 15, a Pak-EPA official told media that the agency is Islamabad&#39;s only environmental regulator and that there is no legal basis for removing PET bottles from sale. When the designated regulator says a product is lawful, other offices cannot quietly decide otherwise.

The costs are real. Sealed shops lose daily takings, and their owners have no formal order to challenge. Supply chains are disrupted. In the recycling sector, which depends on the value of used PET, jobs in collection and sorting are at risk.

Business groups have objected. The Overseas Investors Chamber of Commerce and Industry wrote to the Interior Minister seeking withdrawal of the ban. The Collect and Recycle (CoRe) Alliance approached the BOI and the SIFC. The American Business Forum appealed to the Interior Minister. Their message was the same: enforce the 2023 Regulations; do not replace them with an informal ban.

The Constitution is on their side. Article 4 says no action detrimental to a person&#39;s life, liberty, body, reputation or property shall be taken except in accordance with law. Article 18 protects lawful trade, subject only to qualifications &quot;prescribed by law&quot;, and a verbal instruction prescribes nothing. Article 10A guarantees due process, which at a minimum means notice and a hearing before a livelihood is shut down. Section 24A of the General Clauses Act, 1897 requires officials to act fairly and give reasons for their orders. Sealing a shop without an order denies its owner every one of these protections.

This is not the first time verbal directives have stood in for gazetted rules. Each episode teaches businesses the same lesson: in Pakistan, the rule that matters may not be the one written down. That lesson raises the cost of capital, deters reinvestment and undermines the predictability that investment facilitation bodies exist to promise.

The administration should withdraw the instructions and de-seal affected shops. If PET needs tighter control, Pak-EPA can consult stakeholders and amend the 2023 Regulations through the procedure the law prescribes. Islamabad deserves to be clean. It also deserves to be governed by law.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/agha-shah-waliullah1749243561-0/agha-shah-waliullah1749243561-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Water is a right, not a weapon</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2635077/water-is-a-right-not-a-weapon</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2635077/water-is-a-right-not-a-weapon#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Thu, 15 Oct 26 19:40:09 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Syed Mohammad Ali.]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2635077</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Water is becoming increasingly entangled with geopolitics and conflict]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[In January, United Nations researchers issued a stark warning: the world has moved beyond a water crisis and into a state of &quot;global water bankruptcy&quot;. This warning was issued via a new flagship report from the United Nations University Institute for Water, Environment and Health, which also pointed out how decades of overuse and environmental degradation have pushed many rivers, aquifers, lakes, wetlands and glaciers into a post-crisis condition from which their historical &#39;normal&#39; may no longer be recoverable.

Such a warning could hardly be timelier. Water is becoming increasingly entangled with geopolitics and conflict. In the ongoing US-Israeli war with Iran, attacks on critical infrastructure have highlighted the vulnerability of desalination facilities that supply drinking water to millions across the Gulf. When water infrastructure becomes part of a military confrontation, the consequences extend far beyond the battlefield.

But direct military conflict is not the only danger. Even the mismanagement of water can deepen existing political and social tensions. The Nile has become a source of prolonged tension between Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. Environmental degradation around Lake Chad has intensified competition over scarce resources between pastoral and agricultural communities, and enabled Boko Haram to exploit weak governance and socioeconomic marginalisation to increase its influence.

The UN has thus aptly emphasised that water can be a driver of conflict, a weapon of conflict or a casualty of conflict. Conversely, however, water sharing can also serve as a basis for cooperation. It is in this latter context that the militarisation of the Indus river system needs to be understood. India&#39;s decision in 2025 to place the Indus Waters Treaty in &quot;abeyance&quot; disrupted a framework that survived several wars and decades of political hostility. While this treaty has several flaws which need to be addressed, suspending a treaty which enables institutional cooperation at a time of accelerating climate stress is especially dangerous.

Climate change is transforming the Himalayan rivers, and the Indus basin is already under immense pressure from rising temperatures, changing precipitation patterns and shifts in snow and glacial melt. The Indus is not simply a river divided between two hostile states. It is part of a rapidly changing cryosphere. Understanding these changes requires continuous scientific observation, hydrological data and cooperation across borders. Yet the deterioration of Indo-Pak relations threatens precisely the mechanisms that could make such knowledge possible.

Whatever disagreements India and Pakistan have over dams, allocations or security, they share a basic interest in knowing what is happening to the rivers and aquifers on which hundreds of millions depend. That means restoring regular hydrological data exchange and creating mechanisms for joint or independently verified monitoring of shared natural resources to better contend with climate impacts.

Moreover, for lower riparian countries such as Pakistan, the problem is not simply that there is too little water. Much of the water available is used inefficiently and distributed inequitably, while investment in drinking water, sewerage and sanitation remains far too weak. A country can therefore have a water-security crisis even while enormous volumes of water continue to flow through its rivers and irrigation systems.

Achieving water security cannot mean only building more dams or trying to control rivers. It must also mean using water efficiently, allocating it fairly, protecting aquifers and watersheds and ensuring that ordinary citizens have reliable access to safe water. Pakistan need not wait for India to restore the Indus Waters Treaty before undertaking these domestic measures.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/1084649-SyedMohammadAliNew-1460654245/1084649-SyedMohammadAliNew-1460654245.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>What next?</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2635078/what-next-2</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2635078/what-next-2#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Thu, 15 Oct 26 19:40:09 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Shahzad Chaudhry]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2635078</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Political inadequacies, in this case of the PTI, of which the instances are too many to quote]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[The test of any policy initiative, even if it involves showing an elected government out, is to ask the question: What next? In the case of K-P, where the PTI was shown the door, this question has assumed even greater relevance. In a way, the dissonance between the K-P/PTI and the Centre had been pervasive, and what ensued was the culmination of a long feud, misplaced or not. Whether it could have been avoided with better political management and honest and sincere coordination between the federation and a federating unit remains moot. PTI could have done a better job of its role and function &ndash; unless the aim was to only show the federal government down.

A standing threat to its political existence as a party and its government in K-P could have been avoided with a better sense of the dilemma that rode its prospects. From better governance to avoiding the pitfalls of keeping a feud going, there were off-ramps it could have taken. Instead, we have a situation of a drastic breakdown in which no side wins.

One thing is clear, though, that the responsibility to bring the change in K-P now rests with a single authority: the governor, his advisory council, his party, or the Centre that he represents with a single purpose to bring peace to a militarised province where cumulative failures of the past have only wrought strife and turmoil. Terror events in the province have increased manifold &ndash; there is a list being circulated from reliable quarters in support of why the intervention was inescapable.

That gives birth to two separate issues emanating from the Governor&#39;s rule and Emergency being simultaneously imposed on K-P: one, the PTI, its status, its relevance to national politics and its prospects in the future political architecture &ndash; especially given that the system is as pervasive as it is. This raises issues of fidelity and domains, but they are better left aside in the current environment. Second is the urgency to bring peace back to a troubled province with a consistent policy and strategy to eliminate terrorism and any signs of insurgency.

Political inadequacies, in this case of the PTI, of which the instances are too many to quote &ndash; beginning with its own governance record at the Centre and how it had permitted outside influence to mar democratic culture, to the dismissal of the two provincial assemblies that it still held the power over after it lost its government in April 2022, to now &ndash; when lack of conception in what might still help in its most trying times gave way to knocking heads against walls for want of creative choices. The party ran out of ideas and political choices as soon as it set itself on the path to what would be an ideological struggle. It was a case of visionless leadership and visionless politics.

In Pakistan, it is easy to place the Establishment in the dock over any or the slightest pretext, but if that be the only purpose of politics, there better be other things to do for those who indulge in it. In the end, this, and the only political impulse PTI exhibited, led to its demise. It can apply generically to the brand of politics in Pakistan across the board, but the others have negotiated their existence around those inadequacies. If it mars the credibility of democracy, it is for the unfortunate people of Pakistan who have no choice and no better hope.

The Centre now better get its act together. Failure can only be debilitating. Not only because terror will rule the roost in K-P, and further inland if we are that unfortunate, but it will engender outside control in a region of Pakistan with a record of ethnic affiliations that have tended to diffuse national boundaries. It is possible to regain control of all our regions, whether that be of the twelve districts where terrorism has found permanence under foreign elements, or of the entire province. We have done it before, and we can do it again. The duration, and the efficacy with which these operations are conducted, will decide if local hearts and minds will stand with the effort. If not, God forbid, the results can be entirely counterproductive; nay, dangerous to the foundations of the federation and its integrity. The failure of politics to coexist and to find a workable via media has rendered the nation to such risks. Failure in the new construct is not an option.

PTI too has its task cut out. If it seeks to find relevance in politics through its adversarial stand-off with the Establishment alone, it can only be self-defeating. While we may go on and on to seek some rationale in how the military has gained such eminence in our national make-up, we may never be able to resolve the conundrum to its desired end; it shall have to be the redefinition of politics and its characteristics away from what it has become in Pakistan &ndash; self-serving and rapacious &ndash; to being more purposeful in the interest of the people and the state. Rent-seeking and extraction must give way to a more grounded, realistic approach to policy choices in the interest of the common man. Currently, it is only the elites and those in power who benefit from the policies that have pushed the country to the brink. The politics being practised is not only irrelevant, it has also rendered it unsustainable for the needs of the country and its people.

Similarly, PTI will need to reinvent itself if it must sustain. Its purpose, its defining characteristics and its ethos will need a different thought process and a separate set of leaders who still wish to challenge the duopoly of the two other main political contenders. That is a great purpose. But then to be distracted by taking on fights which do not fall into your pale not only changes the character but the structure or the lack of it, and the means to that ill-defined aim. A party turns into a mob. If it must still be relevant, it must quickly revert to being a political party. Personalised enmities cannot be permitted to translate into institutional stand-offs. Such events are only episodic in nature, while political parties have a long-term aim and purpose which they cannot sacrifice at the altar of misplaced short-termism and in getting even with individuals.

Pakistan is once again at the crossroads. This one is self-created and self-imposed. Now that we have created a situation of our own making, we must navigate through it too with shared responsibility and equanimity. Showing dust to an adversary may be gladiatorial, but it isn&#39;t the stuff of nation-building. Its absence in our recent politics has brought us to this point; it is incumbent now upon all to help rebuild what we have broken.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Shahzad-Chaudhry1592677757-0/Shahzad-Chaudhry1592677757-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>The space economy comes down to Earth</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2635079/the-space-economy-comes-down-to-earth</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2635079/the-space-economy-comes-down-to-earth#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Thu, 15 Oct 26 19:40:09 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Naveed R Khan]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2635079</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[For Pakistan, bigger opportunity is therefore to build businesses, public services, research around satellite data]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Space policy in Pakistan is still discussed through launches, satellites and national prestige. That is understandable, but increasingly outdated. The global space economy is shifting from what goes into orbit to what comes back from it, for instance, data, connectivity, navigation, weather intelligence and services that improve decisions on Earth.

The numbers are striking. The OECD estimates global space-related revenues at $550-600 billion in 2025, already approaching the scale of the semiconductor industry. The World Economic Forum and McKinsey project the broader space economy to reach $1.8 trillion by 2035, up from $630 billion in 2023. Crucially, the fastest growth is expected not in rockets and spacecraft, but in &quot;reach&quot; sectors enabled by communications, positioning, navigation, timing and Earth observation.

For Pakistan, the bigger opportunity is therefore to build businesses, public services and research around satellite data.

That opportunity is becoming tangible. Pakistan launched PRSC-EO1 in January 2025, followed by PRSC-EO2 and PRSC-EO3 in 2026. SUPARCO lists applications ranging from precision agriculture and irrigation management to crop-yield prediction, urban planning, glacier and water monitoring, and disaster response. These uses sit directly inside some of Pakistan&#39;s most persistent economic vulnerabilities.

Agriculture is an obvious starting point. Satellite imagery combined with AI can identify crop stress, estimate acreage, monitor irrigation, predict yields and improve agricultural insurance. For a country repeatedly hit by floods, droughts and heat stress, Earth observation can also make disaster management less reactive. The OECD notes that more than 90% of observations assimilated into modern weather-forecasting systems come from satellites. This is not &quot;space science&quot; in the narrow sense, it is economic planning.

The same logic extends to cities, transport and finance. Satellite positioning underpins logistics, fleet management and digital mapping. Earth-observation data can identify unplanned urban expansion, monitor infrastructure, map flood exposure and help insurers price risk. WEF estimates that supply chains and transportation, food and beverages, defence, consumer industries and digital communications will generate more than 60% of the increase in the space economy through 2035.

Pakistan should stop treating a satellite launch as the end of a mission. Economically, it is only the beginning.

The missing layer is a domestic market that turns raw space data into usable products. The OECD reports that about 70% of data from active Earth-observation missions is now openly available globally. A Pakistani start-up does not need to own a satellite to build a crop-monitoring platform, flood-risk model, logistics product or climate-intelligence service. It needs access to data, computing capacity, skilled people, government demand and room to test and sell.

AI makes this more important. The OECD identifies AI-enabled data processing as a major frontier of space innovation. Competitive advantage will not belong only to countries that collect the most imagery, but to those that extract the best decisions from it. A satellite image of a field has limited economic value until an algorithm can tell a farmer, lender or insurer what has changed and what to do next.

Pakistan&#39;s National Space Policy already recognises commercial exploitation and private-sector participation. The challenge is to turn that language into an ecosystem.

First, Pakistan needs a national geospatial data common. Non-sensitive data from publicly funded missions should be available in standardised, machine-readable formats, with clear licensing and APIs for universities, start-ups and businesses.

Second, government should become an early customer. Ministries and provinces could issue competitive challenges around crop forecasting, illegal construction, flood mapping, water stress and road monitoring.

Third, SUPARCO should increasingly become a market-maker as well as an operator of space assets. A space-data accelerator linked with universities, agriculture departments, insurers, banks and telecom companies could help turn research into commercial services. Small validation grants and shared cloud-compute credits may generate faster returns than another demonstration project.

Fourth, Pakistan should measure the space economy properly. OECD work shows why conventional statistics miss much of its value: satellite-enabled activity appears inside agriculture, transport, telecoms, finance and software rather than under a neat &quot;space&quot; category. Without measurement, policymakers will celebrate inputs without knowing the output in exports, productivity or jobs.

There is also a strategic reason to act. Nearly 15,000 operational satellites were in orbit by mid-2026, while private operators accounted for 88% of satellites launched in 2025. Growth also carries costs. The OECD counts 45,860 tracked debris objects and more than 140 million smaller potentially damaging objects. Countries that fail to build domestic analytical capacity risk becoming permanent buyers of intelligence produced elsewhere.

The next phase should therefore be judged differently. How many farmers use satellite-derived advice? How much disaster loss is avoided? How many insurers price risk using local geospatial models? How many start-ups export space-enabled services? How many public decisions improve because data arrived earlier and was interpreted better?

A satellite becomes economically valuable not when it reaches orbit, but when its data reaches a farmer, insurer, logistics company, city planner or entrepreneur who can turn it into a better decision.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/naveed-r-khan1759717288-0/naveed-r-khan1759717288-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>The Afghan chessboard - competition and challenges</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2634877/the-afghan-chessboard-competition-and-challenges</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2634877/the-afghan-chessboard-competition-and-challenges#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Wed, 14 Oct 26 19:47:12 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Inam Ul Haque]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2634877</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Last week we mentioned that in Afghanistan the 'Great Game' continues with changed players]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Last week we mentioned that in Afghanistan the &#39;Great Game&#39; continues with changed players. The US would like to keep its engagement with the ruling clique &ndash; willingly or unwillingly &ndash; due to Washington&#39;s geostrategic interests in the region including counterterrorism, its ongoing competition with China and Russia, and, most of all, Afghanistan&#39;s proximity to Iran, China, Russia, Central Asia and a nuclear Pakistan. Pashtun IEA, reportedly, has been trying to be in the US good books again, irrespective of its propaganda.

Washington, on the other hand, has a history with the non-Pashtun Northern Alliance (NA) and other groups, and remained supportive of Afghanistan&#39;s pro-Western First Republic (2001-2021) during decades of Afghan nation-building. These avidly anti-Taliban Afghans may be down but are not out. Resistance by Afghan opposition to the IEA&#39;s obscurantist rule is intensifying in the non-Pashtun north, as mentioned previously.

IEA&#39;s recalcitrance on issues like human rights, women right to education and work, inclusivity in the government, and, more significantly, terrorism is not easily ignorable by the West Plus, even if ideological divergence is put aside. Deep-seated nexus among Al Qaeda, TTP and IEA and their overt jihadism keep the chances of another 9/11-type catalyst alive. In that event, the US re-focus on Afghanistan, with or without European Allies, cannot be ruled, to nudge or participate in regime change.

Short of that catalyst, the US would ensure a pliant IEA using leverages like NGO-level engagement, cash subsidies, diplomatic isolation, non-recognition, etc, but would otherwise leave Taliban alone. In West Plus&#39;s assessment (correctly), there is no viable alternative to the IEA at present. Afghan opposition gaining enough strength to challenge IEA militarily would be long drawn. Hence, the West Plus would keep nudging IEA towards self-reform and in-house change.

Russia has been sending mixed signals on Afghanistan using its regional framework like the Moscow Format. Russian motivation for engagement ostensibly stems from keeping Afghanistan-generated terrorism and narcotics trade in check; regaining lost geostrategic foothold in Afghanistan; denying space to the US/West; protecting its soft underbelly in Central Asia; exploiting Afghanistan&#39;s mineral riches; and presumably avenging the loss of Soviet Union, consequent to the Pakistan/West-supported Taliban jihad (1979-89).

Moscow has significantly ramped up its diplomatic and military engagement with Kabul. It is the first and only country to recognise the Afghan regime in July 2025. Militarily, both sides have signed a military-technical cooperation agreement to repair and restore Afghanistan&#39;s Soviet-era military hardware. Russia sees IEA indispensable in suppressing the IS-K, which is responsible for a deadly attack in Crocus city hall, Krasnogorsk (2024). Foreign Minister Lavrov, during Moscow Format consultations, committed to provide technical and intelligence support to enhance IEA&#39;s CT capabilities. Russia has repeatedly commended IEA for controlling narcotics trade from Afghanistan, and its ability to reduce opiate production by 90% since 2022. Most importantly, Moscow has issued strict warnings against Western military return to the region. Lavrov, on October 5, during Moscow Format, called &#39;categorically unacceptable&#39; any US/NATO military deployment in Afghanistan, or in Central Asian countries. This ostensibly blocks any US move to reclaim or return to Bagram Air Base.

Diplomatically, Moscow has proposed reintegrating Afghanistan into SCO via a specialised contact group. Russian presidential envoy Zamir Kabulov offered to mediate between Islamabad and Kabul as an &#39;independent mediator&#39; to de-escalate tensions. Other projects between Russia and Afghanistan include establishment of a dedicated trade working group to prioritise infrastructure development and jointly explore transport and energy connectivity to link Afghanistan with Central and South Asia.

Moscow&#39;s strategic motivation seems multi-layered. In CT, a softer approach secures Russia&#39;s soft Central Asian underbelly and southern flank against terrorism. Diplomatic and economic engagement enables Moscow to prevent Taliban regime from eventually tilting towards Washington, which Taliban deeply desire, the US willing. In an ostensible break with the US under Trump, India too rides the Russian bandwagon in its own competition with Pakistan. Indian manoeuvre to reduce Pakistan&#39;s space in Afghanistan may also be Russia&#39;s &#39;peripheral&#39; interest, under its broader alignment with New Delhi and Modi. However, the Russia-India-Afghanistan Combine works under different geostrategic compulsions. Russia leverages these trilateral ties against Washington; India plays to contain a resurgent China and keep Pakistan under pressure, besides protecting its Chabahar investment and its logistics for its base in Tajikistan; whereas Afghanistan wants diplomatic and economic space, both from India and Russia, and invite the US Plus&#39;s engagement in the process. Although, New Delhi and Moscow see Taliban with weary eyes.

Regionally, the Sunni Gulf and Saudi Arabia compete for influence on the Afghan real estate, also under different motivations. Gulf and KSA want to limit Iranian influence; some in the oil-rich Gulf want to put Pakistan under pressure through insurgency-like situation in Balochistan; Iran vies for influence under its Shia credentials in Hazarajat, for example; whereas Turkey supports Turkic speaking Northern Afghanistan, especially the Uzbek enclave. Neighbouring Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan stand for respective ethnic minorities in the Northern Afghanistan.

China sees engagement with a recalcitrant Kabul, worthy of strategic payoff by: a) keeping the Uighur militancy by ETIM under check through IEA and pacifying its Muslim Turkestan (Xinjiang); b) helping stability along Pakistan&#39;s Western border to allow Islamabad greater attention towards the Indian border; c) protecting CPEC, its ambitious BRI&#39;s pilot project; and d) positioning itself to exploit Afghanistan&#39;s mineral riches beyond Aynak cooper mines.

In all this jockeying for power, IEA, even if under pressure, remains an attractive partner. Countries are induced to ignore Kabul&#39;s human rights record and political repression, for given reasons. IEA presently seems militarily and politically entrenched; however, its future consolidation and sustainment would largely depend upon situation in Northern Afghanistan and Kabul&#39;s relations with Islamabad. The Afghan North is in turmoil; and in the mid to long-term, the Pashtun South may join it, driven by economic desperation. The mute noise of discontent is already there, as reports after reports validate the increasing poverty under IEA rule across Afghanistan. That noise can become a crescendo. One will not put a timeline on it, as the trigger may be one terrorist attack, not even as spectacular as 9/11.

So, IEA makes the next move on the chessboard. Meanwhile, Islamabad needs to be aware of the Indian money, Israeli technology and Afghan manpower arrayed against it. (Concluded)]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Inam-Ul-Haque1602757452-01663842216-0/Inam-Ul-Haque1602757452-01663842216-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>After the K-P emergency: rethinking confrontation</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2634878/after-the-k-p-emergency-rethinking-confrontation</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2634878/after-the-k-p-emergency-rethinking-confrontation#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Wed, 14 Oct 26 19:47:12 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Durdana Najam]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2634878</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[PTI has lost the government through which it could still translate its public support into administrative decisions]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[With the imposition of emergency and governor&#39;s rule in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, PTI has lost the one provincial government through which it could still translate its public support into administrative decisions. For its supporters, this is another painful setback. For the party&#39;s leadership, it should also be an occasion to reflect on where its political strategy is taking it.

Before the intervention, there was at least an opportunity for dialogue. An important disagreement concerned counterterrorism policy. PTI wanted the K-P government to have a meaningful role in shaping the approach to militancy in the province. The federal authorities wanted assurances about cooperation in combating terrorism. Access to Imran Khan was another unresolved issue. The discussions ended without an agreement.

It is understandable that a party should hold firmly to a position it considers important. But political leadership also involves deciding how to advance that position when agreement proves difficult. Could some progress have been secured while keeping the remaining questions open? Was there room for an arrangement that preserved the provincial government&#39;s ability to function and allowed discussion on security policy to continue?

We cannot know that a different approach would have prevented the intervention. We can, however, ask whether permanent confrontation has helped PTI preserve its political strength or gradually deprived it of the means to use that strength.

This question deserves a thoughtful answer because the attachment of millions of Pakistanis to Imran Khan is real. His popularity has survived imprisonment, restrictions and repeated setbacks. Yet the party&#39;s responsibility extends beyond demonstrating that its leader remains popular. People also place their trust in a political party because they hope it will make their lives easier.

For a family struggling to pay for medicine, the value of a provincial government lies partly in whether the public hospital works. For parents, it lies in the school their children attend. For a young person, it may lie in the possibility of finding employment. These expectations give political power its purpose. Losing the ability to meet them is a substantial loss, even when public sympathy for the party remains intact.

PTI&#39;s experience since 2022 needs to be considered in this light. After losing federal office, it had the option of becoming an organised parliamentary opposition. Its withdrawal from the National Assembly, followed by the dissolution of the Punjab and K-P assemblies in January 2023, reflected the belief that pressure would bring early national elections. That expectation was not fulfilled.

Those decisions may have been taken in the sincere conviction that they would restore the party&#39;s mandate. Looking back, however, it is difficult to overlook how much institutional space was surrendered. PTI retained a substantial following while losing opportunities to govern, scrutinise decisions and remain involved in the everyday business of the state.

There is a human difficulty here too. Once supporters have endured hardship for a cause, leaders can find it harder to recommend a compromise. They worry that an incomplete settlement will disappoint those who have sacrificed so much. But this is precisely when leadership matters. Someone has to explain why a limited gain may be worth securing, why a pause can be useful and why continuing within an imperfect system may offer more possibilities than withdrawing from it.

Pakistan&#39;s economic condition makes that judgment especially urgent. The World Bank estimates that Pakistan accounts for about 48% of those living below the $3-a-day extreme-poverty line in its Middle East, North Africa, Afghanistan and Pakistan grouping. Nearly every second extremely poor person in this region lives in Pakistan.

Meanwhile, Planning Minister Ahsan Iqbal has described economic stabilisation as &quot;stunted and borrowed&quot;. His warning concerns the country&#39;s capacity to grow and provide opportunities in the years ahead.

Given these circumstances, one would hope that political energies would increasingly turn towards finding a workable way forward. The years spent in confrontation are also years in which children leave school, young people remain unemployed and households fall further into debt.

Other societies have faced the difficult task of moving beyond entrenched hostility. In South Africa, the ANC entered negotiations with the apartheid government despite a history of profound injustice. Agreements concerning prisoners, returning exiles and political participation helped make further progress possible. The Pretoria Minute also recorded the suspension of ANC armed action. Cooperation developed through practical commitments while deep disagreements remained.

The circumstances were very different, but the lesson is relevant: opponents must eventually allow each other room to negotiate. Some willingness to put aside hatred is necessary before a shared political future can be built.

PTI&#39;s repeated reliance on confrontation also raises a question about political training within the party. Are its workers being prepared to remain disciplined under provocation, and are they encouraged to see negotiation as a legitimate part of political struggle? Without that preparation, anger can become difficult to contain, and compromise difficult to explain. Martin Luther King Jr understood this challenge. In his Letter from Birmingham Jail, written in April 1963, to eight white Alabama clergymen who had criticised the civil rights demonstrations, King explained how participants were trained for nonviolent action and asked to consider whether they could endure abuse without retaliating. For Pakistani parties, the lesson is that leadership must cultivate restraint and prepare supporters for the negotiations through which political progress becomes possible.

None of this requires PTI to abandon its principles or follow the accommodations through which other parties have compromised civilian independence. It requires a strategy that keeps its supporters represented and its capacity for public service alive.

The loss of the K-P government makes this discussion painful, but necessary. PTI has shown that it can sustain loyalty through adversity. It now needs to show how that loyalty can be turned into lasting political influence and practical relief. Its supporters deserve a future they can help build, alongside a cause they are asked to defend.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Durdana-Najam1602756503-0/Durdana-Najam1602756503-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Money, elections and Elon</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2634872/money-elections-and-elon</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2634872/money-elections-and-elon#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Wed, 14 Oct 26 19:47:12 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Imran.Jan]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2634872</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[When Trump won the election in 2016, hatred and racism ceased to be topics to avoid]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[When Trump won the election in 2016, hatred and racism ceased to be topics to avoid. It was alright to be openly racist toward people that were not white or that were immigrants. The racism existed deep within but Trump and his sloganeering became the triggers for people to take that racism out in the open.

This time around, racism has taken a back seat to corruption. In American politics, corruption was suspected but now it is no longer a topic for conspiracy theorists. Everyone knows it and sees it. Corruption is out in the open. Trump and his family members accept gifts left and right from influential people. His son just recently had a lavish party paid for by a Russian oligarch. That word oligarch is always used when the western journalism talks about some rich Russian businessman who may have connections to the Russian government. I actually looked up the meaning of that word. An oligarch is someone who uses his or her enormous wealth to influence government decisions, politics and society. When you plug in that definition, you&#39;d realise that Elon Musk and Miriam Adelson are the biggest American oligarchs.

American culture has this weird tendency where the people are made to believe that corruption and bad things are what other nations and other governments do and that we have a watchdog system that keeps a check on every government branch. That is as fictional as Badar Munir shooting 25 people with a single bullet.

Some months ago, Elon Musk was asked if he hated Muslims. He didn&#39;t say no. Instead he gave an answer that people give when they want to hide their hatred but also cannot make it public. He said that people who have a different value system or culture than the West should not come to the West. Fair enough. Elon Musk grew up in the apartheid South Africa where his minority race was busy keeping the majority race, which was the black race, out of power and subject to persecution and violations of human rights. Things changed in South Africa and that is why he is upset about that too but now he wants to bring that value system, which actually is racism, hatred and xenophobia, to the land of the free and home of the brave. Does that fit with the Western democratic values?

Elon wants people with a different value system than the West in their own respective countries because they may pray, eat, dress and look differently. But he doesn&#39;t mind selling them his Starlink internet. Just a few days ago, he went on Twitter (I don&#39;t call it X just because that repulsive man with a Cybertruck styled Torso says so) ranting about how Mukesh Ambani was the actual leader of India because he wasn&#39;t allowing Starlink to enter India. Elon doesn&#39;t want the same Hindus and Muslims in America where they can have freedom but somehow he cares about their freedom to express themselves using his stupid internet.

Since 2025, Elon has spent about $366 million to influence the outcome of the Midterm elections that are about to happen in America next month. The use of money in American politics is a disgrace, which allows the most despicable people and corporations to influence elections using cash. The outlandish interpretation of the 14th amendment to the US constitution and judicial decisions such as Citizens United of 2010 have paved the way for limitless cash to be funneled into candidates&#39; campaigns running for office who upon winning would do the bidding of the donors. Elon is busy in wholesale bribery of the Republican party as an investment because he expects wild returns by getting even more government contracts, which is actually his main and real source of wealth. He is a welfare queen. He had spent about $290 million on presidential election 2024, which resulted in his net worth going from about $300 billion to over a trillion. He made more money from that investment than Tesla, SpaceX, Twitter, PayPal, and anything else combined.

He knows the American political landscape is for sale and the psycho oligarch is ready to spread his cash around to pocket exponential gains.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/1510052-imranjannew-1505755062/1510052-imranjannew-1505755062.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Classrooms of neglect</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2635074/classrooms-of-neglect</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2635074/classrooms-of-neglect#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Thu, 15 Oct 26 19:40:09 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[editorial]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Editorial]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2635074</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Compensation may provide some financial relief to grieving families, but it is no substitute for accountability]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[A school should be the last place where parents fear for their children&#39;s lives. Yet the deaths of 31 students and a teacher in Peshawar&#39;s Al-Khair School roof collapse is an incident that should spring authorities into action. In a country where educational institutions are expected to shape the future, even the most basic guarantee of physical safety remains uncertain.

The tragedy reflects a wider culture of negligence in which structural safety is overlooked until a building collapses and innocent lives are lost. That an apparently weakened structure could be burdened with additional construction - even as children continued to attend classes - raises questions that cannot be answered through expressions of grief alone. More troubling is the frequency with which such disasters occur. The deaths of 14 children in a Lahore tuition centre collapse earlier this year should have prompted a comprehensive reassessment of school building safety. Instead, another tragedy has followed, suggesting that lessons are neither being learnt nor translated into preventive measures. The problem lies as much with regulatory indifference as with those who compromise construction standards to save costs. Private educational institutions cannot be allowed to operate in buildings whose structural integrity has never been properly established. Equally, the authorities responsible for granting permissions and monitoring compliance cannot escape scrutiny when their oversight proves ineffective. A school licence must represent an assurance of safety rather than merely permission to conduct business.

Compensation may provide some financial relief to grieving families, but it is no substitute for accountability. Nor can official promises restore the trust shattered by such an entirely preventable disaster. The government must abandon its reactive approach to public safety and establish a system in which dangerous buildings are identified before they become death traps. Until that happens, the state&#39;s repeated assurances about protecting children will ring hollow. Education is a fundamental right, but that right becomes meaningless if children must risk their lives merely to exercise it.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Editorial-New1131222/Editorial-New1131222.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Beyond the impasse</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2635075/beyond-the-impasse</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2635075/beyond-the-impasse#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Thu, 15 Oct 26 19:40:09 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[editorial]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Editorial]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2635075</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Both the opposition and the government are back to square]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[With political instability at its peak, the TTAP has formulated a narrative to make headway. The six-party alliance has made it a condition that no talks will be held with the government unless the opposition leadership is granted an audience with the incarcerated PTI leader, Imran Khan. It also demanded an end to Chief Minister Sohail Afridi&#39;s detention, alongside the release of all legislators and workers, including Khan&#39;s three sisters. The debut meeting of the opposition since the imposition of emergency and Governor&#39;s Rule in K-P took stock of the prevailing political situation. It vehemently condemned the federal intervention in the province and decided to knock on the doors of the Peshawar High Court to challenge what it called an assault on the people&#39;s mandate.

Both the opposition and the government are back to square one, as talks failed &ndash; driven by the uncompromising rigidity on both sides. Had the ruling coalition ceded due political space to the PTI, and had the party shown greater flexibility instead of choosing absolute confrontation, this untoward situation could have been avoided. The question, nonetheless, is: what&#39;s next? By resorting to a major constitutional measure, the federal government has left little room for immediate political reconciliation. Consequently, the Center finds itself in a delicate position, as sustaining this impasse over the long term presents significant challenges. Furthermore, managing the security situation entirely on its own places a heavy administrative burden on the state.

In a highly competitive political environment, the administration continues to shoulder the complex responsibilities of ensuring efficient public service delivery, managing economic stability and maintaining law and order. Initiating a constructive dialogue offers a sustainable way to ease these governance pressures. In this context, facilitating requested communication, such as a meeting with Khan, and easing political tensions could help foster the long-term stability needed to move past the current impasse.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Editorial-New1131222/Editorial-New1131222.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Tax evasion warning</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2635076/tax-evasion-warning</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2635076/tax-evasion-warning#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Thu, 15 Oct 26 19:40:09 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[editorial]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Editorial]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2635076</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Government must move beyond rhetoric]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[The Prime Minister&#39;s recent warning to tax evaders was effectively an admission that the government is incapable of meeting its revenue targets without taking coercive measures. At the same time, by declaring that there will be no concessions for those who dodge their fiscal responsibilities, the administration has explicitly identified a major challenge as being the culture of impunity, where the wealthy and influential treat tax laws as mere suggestions. Unfortunately for the government, the public already knew the problem, so there will be no brownie points until action is taken.

Despite years of incremental reforms, an unfair and unmanageable portion of revenue is still being squeezed out of the salaried class, just because the government still can&#39;t offer the rich enough carrots or threaten them with a suitable stick. While the common citizen sees their take-home pay eroded by inflation and rigid tax brackets, vast sectors of the economy - particularly in real estate and large-scale retail - operate in the shadows, shielded by political patronage. Their mere existence at this time points towards failure to craft and implement an equitable tax policy.

The government must move beyond rhetoric. True enforcement requires the courage to target the &quot;untouchable elite&quot; - powerful landlords and industrial titans who have historically negotiated their way out of arrears. Continuing to offer preferential treatment through &quot;amnesty schemes&quot; or &quot;tax whitening&quot; options, under the guise of broadening the tax base, will admit that the Prime Minister&#39;s fears were justified.

At the end of the day. the success of these reforms will be measured against the number of big tax evaders who face serious penalties, rather than the millions of salaried people who have already been squeezed past their limits.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Editorial-New1131222/Editorial-New1131222.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Fiscal fault lines</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2634873/fiscal-fault-lines</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2634873/fiscal-fault-lines#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Wed, 14 Oct 26 19:47:12 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[editorial]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Editorial]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2634873</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Pakistan's economy entered FY27 with a veneer of stability that masked deep structural vulnerabilities]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Pakistan&#39;s economy entered FY27 with a veneer of stability that masked deep structural vulnerabilities. Unfortunately, no amount of reforms will change the fact that the GDP growth prediction remains extremely low for a developing country, and inflation is forecast to be relatively high. The inflation outlook is particularly concerning. Having decelerated from a peak above 38% in May 2023 to single digits, consumer prices are now projected to rise by nearly 10% in FY27.

Surging oil prices and disrupted trade routes amid the Middle East conflict are primary drivers, as oil and gas constitute a large share of Pakistan&#39;s imports. Meanwhile, the government&#39;s relief scheme for motorcyclists and small-car owners has drawn IMF criticism for being &quot;broad-based&quot; and &quot;costly&quot;, underscoring the tension between populist measures and fiscal prudence.

On the external front, the current account is expected to shift from balance in FY26 to a deficit of 1% of GDP in FY27. The SBP has rebuilt reserves to $21.45 billion, providing roughly three months of import cover - which is useful, but not enough to address broader concerns. Meanwhile, the rupee has appreciated to around Rs277 per dollar, but the real effective exchange rate stands at 107, raising concerns about currency valuation and export competitiveness. Public debt also remains unsustainable.

While the debt-to-GDP ratio declined to 68.3% in FY26 from 70.6% a year earlier, the nominal stock rose 7.7% to Rs86.72 trillion. Debt servicing consumes more than half of federal revenue, leaving little fiscal space for development or social spending. Unemployment is forecast to ease to 6.5% from 7.1%, but with a labour force expanding by roughly 2 million annually, growth of 3.5% is insufficient to absorb new entrants.

The IMF&#39;s downward revision of Pakistan&#39;s FY27 growth forecast in its World Economic Outlook - downgraded by 0.6 percentage points mainly due to the Mideast conflict&#39;s economic drag - highlights the fragility of the recovery. Policymakers will thus have their hands full as they chart a way to achieve reform goals such as macroeconomic stability.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Editorial-New1131222/Editorial-New1131222.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Modern Tech Leadership: Building Systems That Scale</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2545646/modern-tech-leadership-building-systems-that-scale</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2545646/modern-tech-leadership-building-systems-that-scale#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Tue, 13 May 25 18:54:31 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Shaukat Ali Khan]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2545646</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[The author is Advisor to the President, Aga Khan University.]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[In the crucible of modern technology leadership, where AI advancements outpace human adaptation and market shifts occur in real time, a new paradigm has emerged. The most effective tech leaders no longer rely on individual brilliance alone; they architect organizational systems that transform pressure into performance.

Recent data reveals a troubling reality: 61% of tech executives report unsustainable stress levels (Harvard Business Review), while leadership fatigue costs the industry $300 billion annually in lost productivity (Deloitte). These numbers underscore a fundamental truth &mdash; the challenges of tech leadership have evolved beyond what any individual can manage through sheer willpower.

The unique pressures facing tech leaders manifest in three critical dimensions. Decision-making occurs against a backdrop of exponential data growth, with IDC reporting that global data volumes double every two years &mdash; a reality that leaves 49% of tech leaders experiencing decision paralysis (MIT Sloan). Alignment becomes increasingly fragile in distributed engineering teams, where Gallup finds only 28% of technologists feel deeply connected to their company&#39;s mission. Meanwhile, the World Health Organization documents a 35% surge in leadership burnout since 2020, particularly acute in the tech sector&rsquo;s always-on culture.

What separates thriving tech leaders from those who merely survive? The answer lies in systematic approaches to five fundamental pillars of leadership. Vision in technology organizations must be both aspirational and adaptable. McKinsey research confirms that tech companies with dynamic, clearly articulated visions grow 1.5 times faster than competitors. Microsoft&rsquo;s transformation under Satya Nadella exemplifies this principle, where reframing the company&rsquo;s mission around empowerment rather than devices catalyzed a trillion-dollar market cap surge while increasing engineering team alignment by 32% (Harvard Business Review).

Transparency serves as the operating system for modern tech organizations. In an industry where Gartner reports 70% of technical initiatives fail to meet objectives, Gallup data shows that teams with transparent leaders demonstrate 3.5 times higher engagement. This principle manifests in radical openness &mdash; from GitLab&rsquo;s 6,000-page public handbook to Datadog&rsquo;s transparent incident postmortems &mdash; practices that Aberdeen Group links to 47% higher shareholder returns in tech companies.

The velocity of technological change demands unprecedented decisiveness. Stanford research indicates that hesitation costs tech firms 30% in lost innovation speed, while Bain &amp; Company data reveals that leaders who make critical decisions within 48 hours of receiving data drive 40% faster growth. Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang&rsquo;s 2006 bet on CUDA architecture, made against prevailing wisdom, demonstrates how such decisive leadership builds enduring competitive advantage in the AI era.

Resilience in tech leadership requires more than personal fortitude &mdash; it demands institutionalized systems for recovery. The Journal of Applied Psychology documents that resilient tech leaders drive 25% more innovation output, with MIT research showing 82% attribute their success to structured problem-solving frameworks rather than individual heroics. Apple&rsquo;s resurgence under Steve Jobs emerged not from charismatic leadership alone, but from implementing ruthless product prioritization systems that transformed a billion-dollar loss into a $350 billion valuation.

Stakeholder trust functions as technical debt for tech leaders &mdash; it compounds quietly but determines long-term viability. PwC&rsquo;s CEO Survey finds 85% of tech leaders directly link trust to valuation, a connection exemplified by AMD&rsquo;s Lisa Su, who rebuilt investor confidence through transparent technology roadmaps after near collapse. Edelman data confirms that tech companies maintaining high stakeholder trust achieve 2.5 times greater revenue growth during market fluctuations.

The most forward-thinking tech leaders recognize that sustainable success emerges from systems rather than individual brilliance. Harvard research demonstrates that structured decision frameworks reduce deliberation time by 50% &mdash; critical when AI models can obsolete strategies overnight. McKinsey findings show that teams with clear systems adapt 60% faster to disruptions like API deprecations or supply chain shocks. Even failures become accelerants when properly analysed. Stanford studies reveal that tech organizations conducting rigorous postmortems improve 30% faster after setbacks.

This new leadership calculus represents a fundamental shift in how tech organizations scale. The most effective leaders don&rsquo;t simply make better decisions &mdash; they build better decision-making systems. They don&rsquo;t just communicate; they engineer transparency into their organizational DNA. They recognize that in an era of continuous deployment and real-time market shifts, sustainable leadership comes not from being the smartest engineer in the room, but from creating environments where every engineer can perform at their best. As artificial intelligence reshapes the technological landscape, this systematic approach to leadership may prove to be the ultimate competitive advantage.

The data leaves little room for debate &mdash; the future belongs to tech leaders who architect organizations as thoughtfully as they design systems. In doing so, they transform the overwhelming complexity of modern technology leadership from a crisis to be managed into a competitive edge to be leveraged. The organizations that embrace this paradigm won&rsquo;t just survive the coming waves of disruption &mdash; they&rsquo;ll define them.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/whatsapp-image-2025-05-14-at-12-03-53-am1747163126-0/whatsapp-image-2025-05-14-at-12-03-53-am1747163126-0.jpeg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Hurdles in materialization of GCC’s economic ventures in Pakistan</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2517229/hurdles-in-materialization-of-gccs-economic-ventures-in-pakistan</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2517229/hurdles-in-materialization-of-gccs-economic-ventures-in-pakistan#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Fri, 20 Dec 24 05:55:06 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Syed Ahmed Ali]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2517229</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Pakistan must boost economic productivity to enhance trade ties with GCC countries and ensure sustainable growth.]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[The organization of the Gulf Cooperation Council was formed in 1981 which consists of six states: Qatar, Oman, Kuwait, Bahrain, United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia. The Gulf region is one of the most resource-rich areas namely crude oil and gas. In recent years the GCC countries have reduced their dependency on energy trade and promoted economic diversification. To pursue their economic diversification initiative, GCC countries have engaged in cooperation with other regions such as South Asia, which offers key resources and technical expertise. Pakistan being a member state of the South Asian region, stands at the crossroads to either connect itself with external regions such as the Middle East or risk economic isolation.

Huma Yusuf in an article titled &ldquo;Wide Gulf&rdquo; analyzed the GCC approach to the South Asian region, which seems to develop economic relations with India while maintaining military cooperation with Pakistan on specific security issues alongside occasional economic packages to aid Pakistan&rsquo;s ailing economy. Pakistan&rsquo;s GCC policy prioritizes political and security issues over developing economic relations. As noted by Shashank Joshi, Pakistan&rsquo;s relations with Arab states seem to be military-centric. As a consequence, Pakistan&#39;s economy suffers from a lack of a conducive environment for economic productivity and regional integration.

Pakistan&#39;s economic cooperation with GCC states while still in its infancy does touch some important sectors which need to be explored. The most important sector between Pakistan and the GCC economic relations is the energy trade. In July 2023, Saudi Arabia announced that it would invest 10 billion dollars in Gwadar, Balochistan to construct an oil refinery, which would help with GCC energy exports in the South Asian region. In the same year, the UAE signed a memorandum (MoU) for the possibility of developing renewable energy in Pakistan. In 2016 Qatar became a major supplier of Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) to Pakistan through its LNG terminal agreement which was worth 15 billion dollars for a 15-year supply.

Apart from helping the energy sector, the GCC has also helped develop the Infrastructure of Pakistan, particularly in Azad Jammu and Kashmir. On the 22nd of October 2022, Saudi Arabia agreed to fund infrastructure projects in Neelum Valley and Muzaffarabad worth 30 billion rupees as a part of its Saudi Fund for Development (SFD). The SFD is a Saudi government assistance program that helps provide financial assistance to developing countries. Apart from providing financial aid to governmental projects, the GCC is a major investor in the real estate business in Pakistan. In 2013 Malik Riaz of the Bahria Group and Sheikh Nahyan of the Abu Dhabi Group invested 45 billion dollars in Pakistan&rsquo;s real estate industry, where they invested 10 billion dollars in Lahore and 35 billion in Karachi.

Apart from the real estate industry, the GCC countries have made a significant impact on various sectors of Pakistan&rsquo;s economy. In 2009 the Saudi government leased 500,000 acres of agricultural land from Pakistan to grow wheat as a means to ensure Saudi food security. Apart from the agricultural industry, the GCC supports Pakistani manufacturing by importing construction materials like cement. In 2004 Pakistan received a demand for cement of about 2000 tons per week from the UAE, which was supplied by Lucky Cement, DG Khan, and Attock In the field of fertilizer production Saudi Companies like SABIC have invested in Pakistan&rsquo;s fertilizer manufacturing through National Chemical Fertilizer Company (NFC).

The investments and economic aid provided by the GCC to Pakistan are channeled through joint cooperation organizations. One such organization is the UAE-Pakistan Assistance Program (UAE-PAP) which provided 200 million dollars of economic aid to Pakistan in May 2018. The objective of this funding was to provide humanitarian assistance to the vulnerable people in Pakistan. More recently, the Saudi-Pakistan Investment Conference announced a 20 billion investment, which covered diverse areas including energy, agriculture, and the environment.

Pakistan GCC trade relations are import intensive, where Gulf investors look to attract Pakistani investment in real estate, export their energy industry, and lease agricultural lands. In 2016 the trade deficit between Pakistan and GCC countries was 1.1 billion dollars, this increased to 1.3 billion dollars in 2020. The trade relationship between GCC and Pakistan is driven by rising imports and the depreciation of the Pakistani rupee which leads to the depletion of Pakistan&rsquo;s foreign exchange reserves. This vicious cycle of rising import costs and increasing foreign debt can only be mitigated through boosting economic productivity which is essential to have a long-lasting sustainable trade relationship with the GCC.

Pakistan faces significant challenges in its governance system to boost its economic productivity. Pakistan historically has inconsistency in its policy-making owing to political instability and frequent change in governments. Pakistan lacks a shared framework of economic policies shared by all stakeholders, which often leads to disruption of the previous policies initiated by the previous government. To make matters worse Pakistan&#39;s administration system suffers from red-tapism, where bureaucratic delays and complicated forms make it difficult for potential investors to invest.

Pakistan faces an acute energy crisis, where the cost of energy makes the cost of doing business too high. This leads to industrial regression where many investors look to set up their production plants where the energy costs are low. The use of renewable energy resources such as hydroelectric power plants can help reduce the cost of energy production. Solar panel technology for localized energy production is ideal in remote areas lacking grid connectivity. Energy costs can be reduced by using localized source fuels, such as Thar coal which is a cheaper alternative than foreign imported coal.

Pakistan needs export diversification, where the government needs to encourage the growth of new industrial sectors such as IT and the pharmaceutical industry. These industries produce greater value-added products which have a greater value meaning a greater inflow of foreign currency. Pakistan can help the growth of these new industrial sectors by providing export incentives such as reducing taxes on export industries. The government can also provide technical training services to help improve labor productivity.

Through these measures, Pakistan can improve its economic productivity and increase its foreign exchange currency reserves, which is important to build a more sustainable and long-lasting trade partnership with GCC countries. Such trade relations will help Pakistan&rsquo;s economy to grow and build stronger cooperation with the Gulf region.

The writer is an analyst on Middle East and South Asia]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Express-Tribune-(10)1734686655-0/Express-Tribune-(10)1734686655-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Schrödinger’s Cat and Pakistan’s Economy: Alive, dead, or both?</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2517054/schrodingers-cat-and-pakistans-economy-alive-dead-or-both</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2517054/schrodingers-cat-and-pakistans-economy-alive-dead-or-both#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Thu, 19 Dec 24 10:18:40 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Dr Aneel Salman]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2517054</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Pakistan’s economy is in flux, showing signs of life but facing challenges that keep it uncertain.]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Imagine a cat in a sealed box, both alive and dead at the same time&mdash;Schr&ouml;dinger&rsquo;s famous thought experiment in quantum mechanics. Now replace the cat with Pakistan&rsquo;s economy, and you have a paradox that would make even Erwin Schr&ouml;dinger scratch his head.

Is Pakistan&rsquo;s economy thriving, or is it a mirage of temporary improvements? Like the metaphorical box, the truth only reveals itself once we look deeper. On the surface, Pakistan&rsquo;s economy seems to be showing signs of life. Inflation, which was roaring just months ago, has started to ease, particularly in food prices.

In November 2024, inflation dropped sharply to 4.9%, down from over 30% in 2023, providing relief to households that have struggled with sky-high grocery bills.
From a broader perspective, fiscal and external accounts appear to be turning a corner. The government&rsquo;s disciplined spending has led to a primary surplus, a feat that many developing economies struggle to achieve.

The current account has posted a surplus for three consecutive months, indicating improved external balances. Foreign exchange reserves have crossed $12 billion for the first time in over two years, reaching $12.04 billion in November 2024, reducing immediate fears of default.
There&rsquo;s even talk of Pakistan re-entering the MSCI Emerging Markets Index, which could bring much-needed foreign portfolio investments.

The stock market has responded with renewed enthusiasm, with the benchmark share index hitting a lifetime high following the IMF&rsquo;s approval of a $7 billion bailout deal.
Corporate Pakistan, despite the recent turmoil, is cautiously optimistic. Banks have reported soaring profits, with some of the highest returns in Asia, due to high-interest rates and increased government borrowing.

The technology sector has attracted international venture capital, signalling confidence in the country&rsquo;s young talent pool. Agricultural reforms, including better irrigation and the introduction of high-yield seeds, are starting to pay off. In the FMCG sector, multinationals are reporting growth as consumer demand begins to recover. Meanwhile, automotive assemblers and manufacturers are ramping up production after a prolonged slump.

But here&rsquo;s the twist: Schr&ouml;dinger&rsquo;s cat is still in the box. Is this economic revival genuinely sustainable, or is it a temporary high? Much of the current stability hinges on policy measures that are inherently short-term. Import restrictions and remittance inflows have propped up reserves, but what happens when those restrictions are lifted? Is the economy fundamentally stronger, or are we just seeing a Band-Aid over a deep wound?

Debt remains the elephant&mdash;or perhaps the tiger&mdash;in the room. Pakistan&rsquo;s external debt obligations are massive, requiring substantial foreign exchange outflows. Without consistent export growth or foreign direct investment (FDI), the current account surplus could quickly vanish. The energy sector, despite progress in renewable projects, still struggles with circular debt and over-reliance on imported fuels, making it vulnerable to global shocks.

And let&rsquo;s not forget the perpetual wild card: politics. Policy consistency and investor confidence often take a backseat to political turmoil. In a country where ministers change faster than seasons, long-term economic planning is easier said than done.

So, what&rsquo;s the way forward for Pakistan&rsquo;s Schr&ouml;dinger economy? To truly open the box and find a thriving economy inside, Pakistan must shift from firefighting to systemic reform. Exports need to diversify beyond textiles&mdash;IT services, for instance, hold enormous untapped potential. Investment in renewable energy and domestic resources can reduce the dependency on volatile global fuel markets.
The tax system needs a complete overhaul.

Broadening the tax base by formalizing the informal economy is crucial. Digitization of tax processes has started, but enforcement and trust-building with businesses remain key. Regional trade offers another lifeline. Strengthening trade with Afghanistan, Central Asia, and even India could open up new economic corridors and stabilize supply chains.

Pakistan must also tackle inefficiencies in state-owned enterprises, which continue to bleed the exchequer. Privatization or restructuring, though politically sensitive, could reduce fiscal drag. Finally, political and institutional stability cannot be overstated. A consistent policy framework and good governance are critical to unlocking the country&rsquo;s potential.

As of now, Pakistan&rsquo;s economy remains in a superposition&mdash;alive, dead, or somewhere in between. The current signs are hopeful, but as any physicist&mdash;or economist&mdash;would tell you, the true state only reveals itself with time, data, and bold action. Until then, Schr&ouml;dinger&rsquo;s cat, or rather Pakistan&rsquo;s economy, keeps us guessing.

&nbsp;]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Dr-Aneel-Salman1697312666-1/Dr-Aneel-Salman1697312666-1.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Breaking free from inertia</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2573191/breaking-free-from-inertia</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2573191/breaking-free-from-inertia#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Sun, 19 Oct 25 19:19:25 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Nadeem Javaid]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2573191</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Pakistan finds itself unable to prosper]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Pakistan once stood at the edge of promise - a young nation alive with ambition, industry, and the dream of joining Asia&#39;s rising tigers. But somewhere along the way, that energy dimmed. Growth lost its rhythm, and progress began to circle instead of climb. The country now finds itself caught in what economists call the Middle-Income Trap &mdash; a place where nations rise above abject poverty but fail to reach prosperity. In this zone, costs rise faster than productivity, innovation stalls, and ambition outpaces capacity. Pakistan, once a symbol of potential, risks becoming an example of inertia &mdash; not poor enough for aid, yet not strong enough to compete.

The trap captures countries that grow through low-wage manufacturing and basic exports but stumble when wages rise, and productivity fails to keep pace. Argentina, Brazil and Thailand have struggled in this space for decades. Pakistan&#39;s case is similar: an economy that moves, but no longer moves forward.

Take exports. Pakistan&#39;s total exports stood around $32 billion, barely changed in years. By contrast, Vietnam&#39;s exports crossed $354 billion, despite both economies starting at similar levels two decades ago. While Bangladesh and Vietnam diversified into electronics, garments and machinery, Pakistan remains locked into low-value textiles and primary commodities. Its inability to upgrade the export base has kept the external sector stagnant and vulnerable.

Human capital tells a similar story. Pakistan spends barely 1.5 per cent of GDP on education - among the lowest in Asia. Millions of children remain out of school, and even university graduates often lack market-relevant skills. Without investment in people, productivity cannot grow - and without productivity, prosperity cannot follow.

Institutional fragility compounds the problem. Every few years, the cycle repeats - IMF bailouts, currency shocks and short-term fiscal fixes. Political volatility and administrative discontinuity have turned policymaking into crisis management. Investors, both domestic and foreign, hesitate in such an environment. High interest rates, arbitrary taxation and poor contract enforcement have produced what might be called a &quot;fear economy&quot; - one where capital hides instead of builds, and risk-taking gives way to risk-avoidance.

Meanwhile, the informal sector dominates. More than 70 per cent of Pakistan&#39;s workforce operates outside formal structures - underpaid, unprotected and untaxed. This keeps productivity low and deprives the state of much-needed revenue. Weak public investment in infrastructure and services then reinforces the cycle of low growth and inequality.

But the most subtle trap is psychological. A comfortable middle class has learned to live with stagnation. Malls expand, cars multiply and consumption thrives, but innovation languishes. Too many seek safety in government jobs or overseas remittances, while too few take the risks that fuel enterprise. It is this quiet acceptance of &quot;just enough&quot; that makes inertia so powerful - and so dangerous.

History, however, offers a way out. South Korea in the 1960s was poorer than Pakistan but climbed out of poverty through export discipline, industrial upgrading and massive investment in education. China transformed from low-end assembly to global technology leadership through long-term planning and institutional focus. Malaysia avoided the trap by building a diversified, knowledge-based economy anchored in policy continuity and political stability. None of these transitions happened overnight; each demanded decades of consistent reform and national purpose.

For Pakistan, breaking free from inertia requires a similar commitment - not cosmetic fixes, but foundational change.

First, invest in people. Raise education and skills spending to at least 45 per cent of GDP. Focus on digital literacy, STEM education and vocational training through public-private partnerships that connect learning with livelihoods.

Second, reform the tax system. Agriculture, real estate and retail must enter the tax net. Simplify compliance through technology and transparency, broaden the base, and reduce distortions that punish the formal sector.

Third, empower cities. Urban centres generate nearly 80 per cent of GDP yet remain fiscally suffocated. Devolving authority to local governments, simplifying business licensing, and expanding microfinance - especially for women - can unleash immense productive potential.

Fourth, separate economic governance from political turbulence. The National Economic Council should guide long-term policy insulated from election cycles, ensuring continuity and coherence.

Fifth, engage the diaspora as partners, not just remitters. Pakistan&#39;s nine million overseas citizens can drive entrepreneurship, investment and technology transfer - injecting new ideas and capital into the economy.

Finally, open markets and ensure fair competition. Decades of protectionism and rent-seeking have entrenched inefficiency. Phasing out distortive subsidies, arbitrary tariffs and discretionary powers would reward productivity and innovation rather than privilege and influence.

Breaking free from inertia is more than an economic task - it is a national awakening. It means replacing short-term fixes with long-term vision, dependency with creativity, and fear with confidence. Pakistan cannot grow by surviving; it must thrive by transforming.

The choice is simple yet profound: remain comfortable in stagnation or embrace the hard climb toward renewal. The Middle-Income Trap is not an inevitability; it&#39;s a choice: to reform or to resign to mediocrity. The real trap isn&#39;t income; it&#39;s inertia. And only courage, consistency and commitment can break it.

The next generation of Pakistanis deserves more than survival. They deserve momentum - born of bold, consistent action, and the courage to leap forward rather than limp in circles.

The writer is the Vice Chancellor of the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE) and Member at Planning Commission of Pakistan]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/nadeem-javaid1760904982-0/nadeem-javaid1760904982-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Disaster, destiny and our responsibility</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2564513/disaster-destiny-and-our-responsibility</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2564513/disaster-destiny-and-our-responsibility#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Mon, 01 Sep 25 20:46:59 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[M Zeb Khan]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2564513</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[The problem in Pakistan is not belief in destiny itself, but its misinterpretation]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[When a tragedy strikes in Pakistan, the most common reaction is: &quot;It was God&#39;s will.&quot; This simple phrase has profound power and implications. It helps people cope with unbearable grief, cushions them from prolonged trauma, and provides a collective psychological framework in which loss is given meaning. In a society where faith is deeply woven into daily life, belief in destiny is not just theology - it is therapy.

But beneath this comfort lies a danger. By placing disasters solely in the realm of fate, we risk absolving ourselves of responsibility. Fatalism, when misapplied, can slide from a spiritual solace into a culture of complacency. Instead of asking hard questions about preventable causes, we retreat into resignation. Disasters become not moments of accountability but acts of destiny.

Consider floods. It is true that global climate change has placed Pakistan among the most vulnerable nations on the planet. These global forces are outside our immediate control. Yet, the devastation that follows each season of heavy rains is not a simple natural occurrence. It is compounded, amplified, and often manufactured by local realities.

Overpopulation has pushed communities into flood-prone areas, often along riverbanks where survival is precarious. Unplanned urban sprawl has overwhelmed fragile drainage systems. Deforestation in the north has stripped away natural barriers against floods and landslides. Poorly constructed homes collapse at the first touch of water, while weak infrastructure - roads, bridges and embankments - crumbles under pressure. Corruption and short-term politics mean that dams and canals remain mismanaged, and flood-prevention plans gather dust.

The same logic applies to other calamities. Road accidents are too easily accepted as &quot;God&#39;s will&quot;. But many stem from reckless driving, poorly enforced traffic rules, or vehicles unfit for the road. Factory fires, often deadly, are not acts of destiny but the result of absent safety standards and greed-driven shortcuts. Even terrorism, while politically complex, thrives when security lapses and governance failures create fertile ground. In each case, responsibility disappears behind the shield of fate.

Ironically, this is not what Islam teaches. The Qur&#39;an consistently calls for both reliance on God (tawakkul) and accountability for human action. &quot;Indeed, Allah does not change the condition of a people until they change what is in themselves&quot; (13:11). Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) famously advised a man to tie his camel before trusting in God&#39;s protection. The message is clear: trust in divine decree must go hand in hand with human responsibility. To rely on fate without effort is not faith - it is negligence.

The problem in Pakistan is not belief in destiny itself, but its misinterpretation. Instead of a balanced philosophy that combines spiritual acceptance with worldly responsibility, destiny has been reduced to an excuse. It allows individuals, communities and governments to evade accountability. It transforms what should be moments of collective learning into cycles of repeated tragedy.

The way forward requires a shift in mindset. Disasters must be understood not only as divine tests but as opportunities for reform. When floods strike, the question should not only be, &quot;Why us?&quot; but also, &quot;What must we change?&quot; When accidents occur, the response should not end at grief but extend to improving safety and enforcing laws. When violence erupts, society must hold accountable not only the perpetrators but also the structures that allowed it.

Pakistan cannot afford to treat destiny as a shield against responsibility. The Qur&#39;anic vision of humans as khalifa - stewards of the earth - places upon us a duty of care. This stewardship means planting trees instead of cutting them, enforcing safety standards instead of ignoring them, building resilient infrastructure instead of cheap structures, and investing in disaster preparedness rather than leaving everything to chance.

Disasters will always come. Climate change will make them more frequent, urbanisation will make them more complex, and global politics will make them more unpredictable. But whether they destroy us or strengthen us will depend less on destiny and more on the choices we make.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/M-Zeb-Khan1606244671-0/M-Zeb-Khan1606244671-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Gaza war - winning and losing</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2572800/gaza-war-winning-and-losing</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2572800/gaza-war-winning-and-losing#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Thu, 16 Oct 25 19:25:22 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Aneela Shahzad]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2572800</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[The truth behind global politics is often obscured by power plays and egos, leaving the innocent to suffer]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[The upright never defeat evil, but they pretty much expose it. But evil, when exposed, even when drenched in ignominy, raises itself from its lewd bottomness, with the power of its dishonesty and deviousness, to heights of vainglory and fanfare - so that the distance between brazen tyranny and honourable virtue is so great that it is virtually unbridgeable.

This is not new; it is a repeated history. Over 3,000 years back, when Moses brought God&#39;s message, asking the Pharaoh to stop tyranny upon his people and give them their freedom; and proved his truth with the miracle of the staff - what did Pharaoh and his chieftains do with all the miracles? Even when their consciences were telling them that Moses had brought the truth, their self-interests, their gluttony and their rapacity forced them to turn over their inners voices and unite upon the evil that ensures them their worldly luxuries.

&#39;So, they disputed, one with another, over their affair, but they kept secret their whispers. They said: These two are magicians: their object is to drive you out from your land with their magic, and to do away with your most exemplary ways. So, put together your plan, and then assemble in ranks: He wins today who gains the upper hand,&#39; (TaHa;62-64).

Three lines from the Quran give a complete anatomy of the psychology in play. If you are for the overkill, the lavish overabundance, the excess powers, you suppress your morality. You malign the righteous as criminals, terrorist and &#39;magicians&#39;. And you unite with all the powerful, resourceful elites, ensure one another of the exemplary &#39;way of life&#39; and regimes you have, and put your plans together. And then you tell each other that you just need to win the moment - meaning that if you are able to show the people that your sorcerers are abler than the two brothers, the people will willfully accept your power.

Now, 3,000 years later, imagine Pharaoh&#39;s court and his chieftains, and imagine Sharm as Sheikh! And just imagine for yourself, who is the Pharaoh, who are the chieftains, who are the ones who aggrandise their tyranny as true power, and who are the sorcerers that make the people of the world believe that peace has been brought to war-torn Gaza!

Humanity looks with bewildered eyes - on Monday there was a ceasefire. On Tuesday, Israel shot down five more Gazans. On Monday, UN Undersecretary General for Humanitarian Affairs Tom Fletcher was excited about the humanitarian scale-up; on Tuesday, he said the organisation faced &quot;further setbacks to the implementation&quot;. On Monday, President Trump was hailed for the Gaza Plan; on Tuesday, he was threatening to disarm Hamas &quot;violently&quot;. And on Wednesday, Centcom chief Brad Cooper was calling upon Hamas to &quot;immediately suspend violence and shooting at innocent Palestinian civilians in Gaza&quot;, both in Hamas-controlled areas and behind the so-called yellow line where Israeli troops are stationed. What was the peace deal then, if there was any?

The truth is that humanity was not told anything about the deal or what had been agreed to. On the face of it, it seems that Hamas was forced to hand over its only leverage, the hostages, in return for empty promises that most of us don&#39;t believe in. Was it a deal for letting Netanyahu go scot-free from all his court cases then, and let the Israelis pretend they have won? Was it just a prop-up to satisfy Trump&#39;s ego after he lost the Nobel peace prize? Was it a move to put a quiet on the Gaza front so that a full attack on Iran could be prepared for? Or was it just a commonplace sorcery, to stupefy humanity, while the genocide goes on in full? Or, was it a game of the survival for leaders, who want legitimacy in the eyes of their people, and who don&#39;t actually want an end to wars because they thrive on conflict and enmity.

Offensive realist Mearsheimer describes an anarchic world where every state is for its own and where states transfer the responsibility to act to other states while remaining on the sidelines - it&#39;s called buck-passing. So do we see the Muslim states passing the buck over to the Arabs? And the Arabs conveniently passing the buck onto Trump, who has no concern with the lives or welfare of the Palestinians, and who is best buddies with Netanyahu? So how does all this work? Are the states of the Ummah just thinking to keep passing the buck so that they can have peace in their states and have their multi-billion projects and their luxuries, while Gaza and the West Bank burn and bleed? How long will this work?

By the way, are the &#39;innocent Palestinian civilians in Gaza&#39; that Brad Cooper mentioned Hamas was killing, not the IDF collaborators that they have prepared to wreak havoc in Gaza when they are gone? Are they not the same gangsters who have been looting the humanitarian aid at IDF&#39;s behest? If the Centcom chief wants to protect them, imagine what the calculus of peace drawn in his mind would be!

All this when the IDF forces still remain in two-thirds of Gaza; when humanitarian convoys are still not passing the check-posts; when Israeli leadership is repeating to this day that it won&#39;t have a Palestinian state; and that it is determined to destroy Hamas; and, in the words of Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, to ethnically cleanse Palestinians from Gaza. The truth is that Israel sees every war as an opportunity for expulsion of Palestinians, just like in 1948 and 1967.

And the truth is that the US will never cut Israel&#39;s aid; Israel will blame Hamas for something, backfoot on the ceasefire, and the genocide will go on. Because, Israeli perspective is not peace and political stability in the region, its perspective is Zionistic, it is maximising Jewish control, minimising Palestinian presence.

So, the question every member of human society must ask is: is this the way global politics is being run - of satisfying egos of biggity men; of putting trade over human lives; of letting the killing of 70,000 people just for the imperialist dream of an ally? Is this the exemplary &#39;way of life&#39; the leaders of our times propound? And are our votes in the ballot box stamping upon their powers?

Surely then, with our votes, genocide has won and humanity has lost.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/1870549-aneelashahzadnew-1545244338/1870549-aneelashahzadnew-1545244338.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>American strategic deception</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2518072/american-strategic-deception</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2518072/american-strategic-deception#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Tue, 24 Dec 24 20:24:21 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Zamir Akram]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2518072</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[The US also maintains massive nuclear deterrence capability in comparison with which Pakistan's assets are miniscule.]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Speaking at an American think-tank on 19 December, Jon Finer, the Deputy National Security Advisor in the Biden Administration, claimed that Pakistan&#39;s development of long-range missiles &quot;will have the capability to strike targets well beyond South Asia, including the United States&quot;. He added that it was &quot;hard for us to see Pakistan&#39;s actions as anything other than an emerging threat to the United States&quot;.

This sweeping and speculative assertion coming only two days after the US imposed sanction on Pakistani entities allegedly involved in missile development could hardly be a coincidence.

This is obviously part of a well-orchestrated charade intended to deny Pakistan the capability to ensure credible deterrence against India&#39;s rapid development of its strategic arsenal including long range air, land and sea based missiles to be deployed on offshore Indian assets and nuclear powered submarines.

This blatantly discriminatory American policy behind the smoke-screen that Pakistan seeks to threaten the US itself is patently ludicrous and disingenuous. Even objective Americans would find this hard to digest. Indeed, this is strategic deception at its worst.

The US is well aware that ever since Pakistan&#39;s nuclear tests in response to India&#39;s in 1998, its strategic doctrine is focused on ensuring credible deterrence exclusively against India.

Accordingly, Pakistan&#39;s strategic capabilities are not directed against any other country except India, least of all the US. Besides, there is no rationale for Pakistan to threaten the US with which it has no dispute and where millions of Pakistanis reside.

The US also maintains a massive nuclear deterrence capability in comparison with which Pakistan&#39;s assets are miniscule. For Pakistan to attack the US would, therefore, be suicidal.

In open forum discussions on this issue over the recent past with American officials and experts, Pakistani interlocutor, myself involved, have sought clarity and rational arguments that would explain American concern. But none have been offered.

There have been vague and weak arguments that since Pakistan is China&#39;s ally, its strategic capabilities are a part of the threat from China. This begs the question as to why Pakistan, even as a Chinese ally, would jeopardise its own existence by attacking the US?

The truth is that these American allegations are a ploy and an obvious deception. The objective is to protect India&#39;s strategic interests against China. To achieve this, the US wants India to focus on China and not be distracted by competition from Pakistan.

But from Pakistan&#39;s perspective, Indian capabilities ostensibly against China can also be used against Pakistan. In fact, after the thrashing India received from China in 1962, it has no inclination whatsoever to engage in a conflict with the Chinese. But New Delhi will continue to exploit the threat from China to benefit from American hand-outs as Washington&#39;s &#39;Net Security Provider&#39;.

However, for Pakistan, the Indian military build-up presents an existential threat. India has used the American supported nuclear waiver to increase its nuclear arsenal. It has developed short, medium and long range air, land and sea based missiles. It has acquired nuclear powered and nuclear armed submarines. In 2019, India tested an anti-satellite missile (ASAT) and has developed a multi-layered Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) System, involving American Patriot, Israeli Arrow and Russian S-400 missiles.

India is also developing hypersonic missiles while inducting new and emerging technologies into its weapon systems with American assistance. At the same time, Indian strategic bases are being set up in the Indian Ocean, most notably in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and possibly in the Indian Ocean. Additionally, as a part of the US-backed Quadrilateral alliance in the Asia-Pacific, India may obtain basing facilities in the territories of its alliance parties - the US, Japan and Australia.

For Pakistan these developments present existing and potential challenges in the future for which it must be prepared to ensure credible deterrence. Pakistan has already ensured, through its full spectrum deterrence policy, deterrence at the operational, tactical and strategic levels.

It maintains credible second strike capability adequate for its needs. Its land, air and sea based Babur cruise missiles and the MIRVed Ababheel missiles provide capability to penetrate Indian BMD systems. The Shaheen 2 and 3 long range missiles cover the Indian mainland and offshore assets.

However, since deterrence is dynamic depending on changes in technologies and policies, Pakistan cannot afford to foreclose its future options. For instance, development of Indian bases with nuclear armed missiles deep in the Indian Ocean would require Pakistan to develop longer range missiles.

Similarly, Pakistan&#39;s space assets including satellites which are becoming increasingly vital for civilian and military purposes, may come to be threatened by ASATs which India has already tested.

Therefore, for effective deterrence to protect its satellites in future, Pakistan would need an ASAT capability for which long range missiles are essential. Also, to benefit from future space operations, Pakistan would need the capability to launch satellites which require developing a Space Launch Vehicle (SLV) capability. For all these reasons, Pakistan has a legitimate right to develop its long range missile/rocket programme.

If the US has legitimate concerns about Pakistan&#39;s missile development programme, even as the assertion that Pakistan would threaten the US is nonsensical, a reasonable arrangement based mutual non-attack assurances can provide a logical solution. But, since the US does not seek this option, the conclusion is inescapable that America&#39;s true motives are different and the allegations made by the likes of Jon Finer are nothing but an elaborate deception.

America&#39;s true intentions are betrayed by its discriminatory sanctions imposed on Pakistani entities as was done again a few days ago. There are more than 160 such entities that have been sanctioned since 1998 while none in India.

If Washington was truly interested in South Asian security and protecting its own national interests, it should pursue a non-discriminatory and balanced policy towards Pakistan and India. Instead, India has been given a free pass to build up its strategic capabilities while restraint is only being sought from Pakistan. History has demonstrated that discrimination has never succeeded with Pakistan.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/1279755-ZamirAkram-1483117410/1279755-ZamirAkram-1483117410.JPG" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Time to heal the wounds with Dhaka, and beyond</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2518067/time-to-heal-the-wounds-with-dhaka-and-beyond</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2518067/time-to-heal-the-wounds-with-dhaka-and-beyond#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Tue, 24 Dec 24 20:24:21 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Ishtiaq Ali Mehkri]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2518067</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Five decades down the line as Bangladesh and Pakistan look back at the trauma, it pains.]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[The month of December reminds me of Fall of Dhaka in 1971, and the iconic poetry of Naseer Turabi, who in an instant heart-wrenching aura penned a poem reflecting the remorse of dismemberment of East Pakistan in all humility. To this day, the ghazal (ode) he wrote reverberates as a grim reminder of our fallacies in the national milieu, and the trust that the poet had in the truncated section of our erstwhile nationhood.

The legendary poet was felicitous as he wrote: &quot;Woh humsafar thaa magar us sey humnawai na thiKay dhoop chaaon ka aalam raha, judaai na thi&quot; (He was my companion, but with him I didn&#39;t have like-mindedness; Like the clouds and sunlight, together but as apart as can be).

Turabi went on to state the obvious with a big heart: &quot;Adaavatein theen, taghaaful thaa, ranjishein theen magar; Bicharne walay mein sab kuch thaa, be-wafaai na thi&quot; (There were feelings of animosity, indifference and anguish (between us) but; my departed lover had everything (but) hadn&#39;t had unfaithfulness).

Five decades down the line as Bangladesh and Pakistan look back at the trauma, it pains and has nothing to account for but regrets. It is, however, some great consolation that Dhaka is willing to bury the hatchet, and wants to normalise relations with Islamabad. The desire on the part of Dr Muhammad Yunus, the interim leader, to &quot;move on from 1971&quot; is statesmanship.

The new thinking, perhaps, hints at the Bengali nation having come a long way from the Bangabandhu psyche to a progressive, all-inclusive emerging society. The end of Shaikh Hasina&#39;s regime has also impacted in helping Dhaka realise that in an era of geo-economics, carrying the baggage of animosity is an undesired liability.

The plausible interactions are many. The first that needs to be done is to reorient the academia and intelligentsia, and let them brief and debrief over the checkered history in all openness. Trade, commerce and communication avenues are aplenty for a joint populace of around half a billion, with a collective GDP of more than $750 billion.

Apart from buoying trade, both the countries must work together for reviving the moribund eight-nation SAARC, which was conceptualised by Dhaka as a viable organic regional organisation in 1985. Bangladesh can prevail over India to give in its resistance to the regional bloc and help rewrite a new chapter of homogeneity on the pattern of ASEAN. As India sits fingers-crossed with the fall of its ally-dispensation in Dhaka, there can be a quid pro quo for regional amalgamation making it a win-win situation in bilateralism.

The opening up of our quondam eastern flank can unfurl lessons in pluralism, institutional building and respect for political mandate that Bengalis had cherished. Pakistan, unfortunately groped in parochialism these days, can learn a lot and work inwardly for strengthening national unity. With origins of our freedom movement and its founding fathers from Bengal, there is a lot of intellectualism that needs to be revisited, and made part of our national life.

To pick a thread from Faiz Ahmed Faiz, &quot;Kab nazar mein aaye gi be-daagh sabzay ki bahaar; Khoon ke dhabbay dhuleinge kitni barsaaton ke baad...&quot; (When will we see the unsullied green of spring? After how many monsoons will the stains of blood be washed?), it&#39;s time to take a leap forward and connect the dots with Dhaka. An apology from Pakistan - which has expressed regrets over the debacle though - is direly needed for a fresh start.

This also comes as an opportunity to touch-base on the Bihari legion and make an earnest effort to embrace them and heal the wounds of history. Indeed, this reconnecting desires some soul-searching as more than 300,000 Biharis are stranded in Bangladesh - poor souls who stood for Pakistan and paid a price in blood and misery.

If Dhaka can embrace Rohingya Muslims, what prevents Islamabad from bringing back Biharis and undoing their statelessness? Looking beyond the bitterness of 1971 demands an open head and heart, and a comprehensive leap forward is indispensable.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Ishtiaq-Ali-Mehkri1690309071-0/Ishtiaq-Ali-Mehkri1690309071-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item>	</channel>
                </rss>
