<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" xmlns:wfw="http://wellformedweb.org/CommentAPI/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom" xmlns:sy="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/syndication/" xmlns:slash="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/slash/" version="2.0"><channel>
                        <title>News Opinion &amp; Reviews - The Express Tribune</title>
                        <atom:link href="https://tribune.com.pk" rel="self" type="application/rss+xml"/>
                        <link>https://tribune.com.pk</link>
                        <description>The Express Tribune keeps you up to date with all the latest happenings from Pakistan and across the world!</description>
                        <lastBuildDate>Sat, 30 May 26 03:16:45 +0500</lastBuildDate>
                        <language>en-US</language>
                        <sy:updatePeriod>hourly</sy:updatePeriod>
                        <sy:updateFrequency>1</sy:updateFrequency>
                        <generator>https://laravel.com/</generator><item>
			<title>The structural malaise behind PTI's crisis</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610236/the-structural-malaise-behind-ptis-crisis</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610236/the-structural-malaise-behind-ptis-crisis#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Tue, 26 May 26 18:18:53 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[M Zeb Khan]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2610236</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[PTI today is not a movement charting the future but a party caught in confusion]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Every now and then, a political movement in Pakistan captures the imagination of a generation. It challenges entrenched power, speaks of justice and promises to upend the status quo. PTI was one such movement. At its core was a simple but powerful ideal: a Pakistan governed by the rule of law, where economic, social and political justice prevails. It attracted millions, inspired the youth, and for a moment, felt like the country&#39;s moral centre of gravity had shifted.

And yet, within a few years, that momentum has all but vanished. PTI today is not a movement charting the future but a party caught in confusion, bereft of leadership, direction or institutional coherence. While much of this collapse is attributed to state repression and political engineering, the rot is deeper and more self-inflicted than we often admit. The PTI saga reveals something far more troubling: the structural and cultural incapacity of our political parties - and by extension, our society - to build enduring institutions out of popular movements.

Imran Khan, for all his charisma, failed to turn PTI into a functional political party. It remained a movement, driven by emotion, rallying cries and a cult of personality. There was no sustained attempt to develop internal democracy, clear procedures for leadership transitions, or a robust mechanism for accountability and ideological training. The result is what we see today: a party that has millions of voters but no coherent leadership, strategy or organisational backbone.

But to focus solely on Khan&#39;s failures is to miss the larger cultural pattern. Pakistan&#39;s political culture is deeply personalised. Loyalty to individuals takes precedence over commitment to processes. Parties are built around leaders, not systems. The idea of a political institution outlasting its founder remains alien to us. PTI&#39;s failure, then, is not an anomaly; it is a symptom of a deeper dysfunction.

Our movements routinely falter because they rely on charisma over structure, emotion over strategy, and confrontation over coalition-building. PTI had the opportunity to institutionalise itself, to train ideological cadres, and to build a knowledge base that could refine and propagate its message across changing political landscapes. Instead, it outsourced its identity to a single figure and sidelined dissent, internal debate and intellectual development.

Even those who surrounded Khan rarely offered a competing vision or helped shape one. The second-tier leadership was weak, opportunistic, and often uninterested in building institutions. With Khan&#39;s incarceration and the decapitation of the party&#39;s top ranks, what remains are voices that reflect anger but not insight, defiance but not direction.

There&#39;s also a societal dimension to this. In a culture where power is revered more than process, and where politics is seen as a zero-sum game, the long, patient work of institution-building rarely finds champions. Party workers want quick wins; leaders crave personal loyalty; the establishment manipulates this fragility. In such a climate, no party - no matter how noble its message - can survive without developing internal resilience. PTI never did.

Yet its ideological core still resonates. The desire for justice, the rage against elite impunity, and the yearning for a different kind of politics are not dead. But without institutional form, these emotions become easy prey for demagogues or fizzle into apathy. PTI has exposed both the limits of populism and the vacuum that lies beneath unstructured idealism.

The challenge now is not just to rescue one party but to reimagine what political organisation means in Pakistan. Can we build parties that outlive their founders? Can we create cultures where internal democracy, ideological training and long-term strategy matter more than proximity to power? Can we admit that slogans alone do not transform societies - institutions do?

Until we confront these structural and cultural deficiencies, our political history will continue to repeat itself. Movements will rise and fall. Hope will flicker and fade. And the same power elite, armed not with legitimacy but with patience, will wait for the storm to pass - as it always does. And Pakistan will never come out of the quagmire!]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/m-zeb-khan1606244671-0-640x4801765440939-0/m-zeb-khan1606244671-0-640x4801765440939-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Dowry and silence</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610233/dowry-and-silence</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610233/dowry-and-silence#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Tue, 26 May 26 18:18:53 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Atif Mehmood]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2610233</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[The reality behind it is uglier than the wedding photographs we post online]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Dowry is one of those things people in South Asia still defend with a straight face, and honestly, that has always confused me. Travel outside this region and the idea sounds absurd to most people. A man gets married, yet the woman&#39;s family is expected to furnish his house, buy his car, hand over cash, jewellery, appliances, sometimes even property. And somehow this is still called culture.

The reality behind it is uglier than the wedding photographs we post online. The lights, the music, the smiling relatives, none of that shows the pressure happening quietly in the background. A father borrowing money he cannot repay. A mother selling jewellery she spent decades saving. Brothers putting their own lives on hold because a sister&#39;s marriage has become a financial project instead of a relationship.

India&#39;s 2024 figures recorded 5,737 dowry deaths. Sit with that number for a moment. Roughly sixteen women dying every single day because somebody decided marriage was not enough without payment attached to it. More than 120,000 cases of cruelty by husbands or relatives were also reported that year. Pakistan&#39;s numbers are harder to track properly, which honestly says a lot by itself, but human rights groups still report thousands of women facing domestic abuse tied to financial demands and family pressure every year.

And the thing is, it rarely starts with open cruelty. It begins politely. &quot;We are not asking for anything, only what you wish to give.&quot; Most South Asians have heard that sentence. Then later comes another conversation. The furniture is not good enough. The gold is less than expected. A car would help. Cash would solve a problem. The requests never really end because greed rarely ends politely.

I remember hearing about a girl in Lahore whose father sold part of his agricultural land just to keep peace in her marriage. A year later the demands started again. Another family in Delhi gave furniture, cash and jewellery during the wedding, yet their daughter still returned home bruised because the groom&#39;s family wanted more money for a business investment. These stories are everywhere. People whisper them over tea, then move on as if this is normal life.

Sometimes I think we ask the wrong question. We keep asking whether women are victims of dowry. Maybe we should also ask how many otherwise decent people quietly become part of the crime. Because dowry survives through silence. Through relatives who say, &quot;adjust a little&quot;. Through parents terrified of divorce. Through neighbours who hear screaming and decide it is a private matter.

Personally, I firmly believe that if a man cannot support his own wife and children, he has no business calling himself a husband or a father. Marriage is supposed to be partnership, not sponsored living. A woman should enter a home with dignity, not as a delivery package carrying appliances and cash to prove her worth.

The saddest part is what this does to girls before they even marry. Families save for weddings instead of education. Some girls leave school early because parents are already panicking about future marriage expenses. Unicef has repeatedly linked child marriage in South Asia with harmful practices tied to dowry pressure. So, the damage begins long before the wedding day arrives.

Laws exist in both India and Pakistan, but laws mean little when society keeps protecting the behaviour behind closed doors. Real change will begin the day families stop negotiating with dowry demands and start refusing them completely. Until then, we will keep pretending tradition matters more than human dignity. We must ask ourselves why there is no such tradition of dowry in the rest of the world except South Asia.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/atif-mehmood1739129535-0/atif-mehmood1739129535-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>First step towards school autonomy in Sindh</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610238/first-step-towards-school-autonomy-in-sindh</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610238/first-step-towards-school-autonomy-in-sindh#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Tue, 26 May 26 18:18:53 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Asghar Soomro]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2610238</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[SSB marks shift from highly-centralised bureaucratic control of schools' budget towards devolving financial authority]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[School Specific Budget (SSB) marks a significant shift from the highly-centralised bureaucratic control of schools&#39; budget towards devolving limited financial authority to in-charge of educational institutions (headmasters/principals) at school level. For decades, public schools have suffered from lack of basic facilities, discouraging parents from sending their children to school. The situation worsened after education was declared free and compulsory from primary to secondary level, as government schools were barred from charging even a nominal fee that had traditionally helped meet everyday needs such as purchasing chalks and duster, repainting blackboards or repairing desks, chairs and ceiling fans. As a result, schools became dependent on an over-centralised system in which even minor purchases required multiple approvals, cumbersome procurement procedures and lengthy compliance requirements.

This excessive centralisation stripped schools of the ability to maintain a function and welcoming learning environment. Many schools gradually fell into neglect, with crumbling infrastructure and poorly-maintained classrooms becoming a visible symbol of administrative paralysis. Unsurprisingly, such conditions have contributed to Sindh&#39;s deepening education crisis. According to the latest report of Pakistan Economic Survey, around 7.8 million children in the province remain out of school - including nearly 1.2 million dropouts and another 6.6 million who have never entered a classroom.

Given the scale and depth of Sindh&#39;s education crisis, a dramatic turnaround within the remaining months of the current fiscal year is neither realistic nor administratively feasible. Yet, the initiative still represents an important first step in the right direction after decades of debate over decentralising limited authority from distant bureaucratic structure to the school level. What makes this reform particularly noteworthy is that, so far, neither the federal government nor any other province has attempted a comparable shift in school-level financial empowerment on this scale.

For that reason, the initiative offers a rare glimmer of hope, not only for students and teachers, but also for parents who have long watched public schools deteriorate in both physical condition and learning standards. If implemented transparently and consistently, even limited financial autonomy could enable schools to address everyday operational problems far more efficiently, gradually improving the learning environment and restoring some public confidence in the state education system.

The Government of Sindh has introduced several unprecedented measures for the utilisation of the Rs18 billion allocated directly to schools under the initiative. Under existing financial rules, whether at the federal or provincial level, financial authority - Drawing Disbursement Officer (DDO) powers - is ordinarily restricted to gazetted officers in Grade 17 or above. In a notable departure from this long-established practice, however, financial powers have now been delegated to head teachers/principals, many of whom are in Grade 14. Equally significant is the removal of multiple bureaucratic layers as schools no longer require prior approval from higher authorities for routine expenditures under the allocated funds.

Under the scheme, individual schools may receive allocations ranging from Rs216,000 to Rs33.3 million, depending on their size and requirements. The distribution formula has primarily been based on two indicators: total enrollment and the number of classrooms in each school. To operationalise the initiative, the provincial finance department undertook the complex task of creating 34,106 separate cost centres/accounts for headteachers across Sindh. The scale of this administrative restructuring itself reflects the government&#39;s attempt to empower schools to bring about the desired improvements on the ground.

Despite its promising design and simplified procedures, the initiative is currently facing teething troubles and have struggled to gain momentum. To date, only around one per cent of the allocated budget has reportedly been utilised. The finance department released the first quarterly tranche in July 2025, and nearly Rs13 billion out of Rs18 billion total allocation has already been transferred to schools, which is an impressive administrative achievement in itself. Yet the overall pace of utilisation remains extremely low.

Ironically, the spending framework itself has been made unusually simple. Schools have been authorised to use funds for a wide range of needs, including WASH facilities, sanitation, furniture repair and procurement, building maintenance, stationery, co-curricular activities, solar panels, fans and other essential requirements. Hardly any routine school needs been excluded from the permissible expenditure list. In addition, a digital reporting mechanism has been introduced through which headteachers are required to upload pre- and post-improvement photographs along with invoices and expenditure details. To support implementation, Pakistan Institute of Public Finance Accountants trained 502 headteachers for drawing and disbursement role as master trainers, who subsequently conducted district-level cascading sessions supplemented by online guidance material.

The problem, therefore, appears to be less procedural and more psychological and institutional. Many headteachers seem reluctant to exercise newly-devolved financial and procurement powers, possibly due to a deeply ingrained fear of accountability proceedings, procedural errors, future audit objections or any other factor. This hesitation is understandable in a governance culture where lower tier officials have historically been conditioned to avoid decision-making rather than take initiative. Unless this underlying administrative mindset is recognised and addressed, financial devolution alone may not produce the intended transformation.

At the same time, debate should move beyond mere expenditures. Timely and transparent utilisation of funds is important, but spending itself cannot be treated as the ultimate measure of success. The initiative will only justify itself if financial autonomy translates into measurable improvements in enrolment, student retention and learning outcomes. Likewise, school-level funding should not evolve into a passive entitlement mechanism. Instead, it must become part of a broader governance reform in which effective school leadership is incentivised through performance-based indicators, professional recognition and career advancement. Otherwise, the initiative risks becoming merely a decentralisation of expenditure rather than a meaningful reform tied to performance, incentives and accountability for educational outcomes.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/780073-AsgharSoomroNew-1414083111/780073-AsgharSoomroNew-1414083111.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Pak-China friendship will grow broader like Karakoram Highway</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610237/pak-china-friendship-will-grow-broader-like-karakoram-highway</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610237/pak-china-friendship-will-grow-broader-like-karakoram-highway#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Tue, 26 May 26 18:18:53 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Prof Tang Ming Shung]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2610237</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[The Karakoram Highway winds through the Karakoram Mountains, the Hindu Kush, the Pamir Plateau, and the Himalayas]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[The year 2026 marks the 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations between China and Pakistan. Over the past 75 years, the two countries have stood together through storms and hardships, supported each other faithfully, transcended geographical distance and ideological differences, and weathered changing international circumstances. Together, they have forged an all-weather strategic cooperative partnership as solid as a rock and as enduring as ever, creating the &quot;ironclad friendship&quot; described as &quot;higher than the mountains, deeper than the seas, sweeter than honey, and stronger than steel&quot;.

On April 21, 2015, during an important speech at the Pakistani Parliament, Xi Jinping stated: &quot;The traditional friendship between China and Pakistan will surely grow broader like the Karakoram Highway.&quot; This deeply meaningful statement accurately summarised the historical foundation and spiritual essence of China-Pakistan friendship, while also pointing the way forward for the long-term development of bilateral ties in the new era.

The Karakoram Highway winds through the Karakoram Mountains, the Hindu Kush, the Pamir Plateau, and the Himalayas, crossing towering peaks and rushing gorges. It stands as a monument of friendship jointly built by the peoples of China and Pakistan with their sweat and blood. More than half a century ago, countless builders overcame freezing temperatures, high altitudes and immense difficulties, carving roads through mountains and bridging rivers to construct this vital route connecting the two nations on the roof of the world. The Karakoram Highway not only overcame geographical barriers but also became a bridge linking the hearts and destinies of the Chinese and Pakistani peoples. Over the past 75 years, China-Pakistan friendship has resembled this highway - starting from shared ideals and extending into the future, growing stronger with time and remaining steadfast through the tests of history while continuing steadily along the path of mutual benefit and shared development.

On May 21, 1951, the two sides formally established diplomatic relations, opening a new chapter in bilateral friendship. At a time of great turbulence in the international landscape, they upheld principles of mutual respect, equality, non-interference in internal affairs and mutual support. On the international stage, they have consistently stood by and supported one another. No matter how the international situation changes or what development challenges arise, Pakistan has firmly adhered to the One China Principle and consistently supported China on issues concerning its core interests and major concerns. Likewise, China has always supported Pakistan in safeguarding its sovereignty, security and development interests, respected Pakistan&#39;s independently chosen path of development, and remained its strongest supporter.

Relations between states depend on friendship between peoples, and friendship between peoples depends on mutual understanding. Seventy-five years of exchanges have deeply rooted this friendship among ordinary citizens, making it a shared spiritual treasure of both nations. From stories of friendship along the Karakoram Highway to mutual support during earthquakes and the Covid-19 pandemic; from generations of Pakistani students realising their dreams in China to Chinese-funded friendship hospitals benefiting local communities in Pakistan; from sincere cooperation in cross-border trade to mutual learning through cultural exchanges - China-Pakistan friendship has become a widely shared emotional bond among the people. In Pakistan, &#39;Chini Bhai&#39; (Chinese brother) is an affectionate term used from the heart. In China, &#39;Pak Iron Brother&#39; is a warm nickname for Pakistan. These expressions reflect genuine closeness and mutual recognition between the two peoples.

Deepening practical cooperation is the solid foundation of China-Pakistan friendship and the pathway toward shared prosperity and development. The upgrading and expansion of the Karakoram Highway demonstrates how bilateral cooperation has evolved from infrastructure connectivity to comprehensive, in-depth collaboration. CPEC, the flagship project of BRI, symbolises the high-quality development of bilateral cooperation. The corridor has, since its launch, always focused on improving livelihoods and promoting development as the key to social progress and people&#39;s well-being. CPEC projects have concentrated on critical sectors such as energy, transportation, industry, agriculture and public welfare, implementing many major initiatives that address both immediate and long-term needs. Power plants have illuminated countless homes across Pakistan and significantly alleviated the country&#39;s chronic electricity shortages. Roads and highways have improved transportation and modernised the national transport network. Industrial parks have created hundreds of thousands of local jobs. Through consultation, joint construction and shared benefits, the corridor has embodied the spirit of mutually beneficial cooperation through tangible development achievements.

Today, profound global changes unseen in a century are accelerating. Unilateralism and protectionism are resurging, while regional conflicts and global challenges overlap, posing serious threats to the themes of peace and development. As all-weather strategic cooperative partners, China and Pakistan stand on the right side of history, uphold multilateralism, safeguard international fairness and justice, and jointly respond to common challenges. From combating terrorism, separatism and extremism to maintaining regional peace and stability; from coordinating on global issues such as climate change, food security and energy security to closely cooperating within multilateral mechanisms such as the UN and SCO, China and Pakistan have consistently acted as builders of regional peace, contributors to global development and defenders of the international order.

The 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations is not only an important milestone in China-Pakistan relations but also a new starting point for future achievements. Standing at this new historical starting point, the two nations will continue to inherit their ironclad friendship, deepen strategic mutual trust, and further promote the high-quality development of CPEC so that more people in both countries may benefit. They will continue strengthening the foundations of people-to-people friendship to ensure that the spirit of China-Pakistan friendship is passed down through generations. They will also continue advancing side by side on the international and regional stage, promoting the building of a community with a shared future for mankind while safeguarding regional peace and global stability together.

After 75 years of history, China-Pakistan friendship has become as majestic and steadfast as the Karakoram Mountains and as broad and enduring as the Karakoram Highway itself. We firmly believe that under the strategic guidance of the leaders of both countries and the joint protection of their peoples, the traditional friendship between China and Pakistan will shine with renewed vitality in the new era, becoming ever stronger and broader.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/prof-tang-ming-shung1779819699-0/prof-tang-ming-shung1779819699-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>A fair grade</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610037/a-fair-grade</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610037/a-fair-grade#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Mon, 25 May 26 19:27:23 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Muhammad Hamid Zaman]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2610037</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Universities have grappled with these issues for long and continue to do so]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[In an academic system where a degree, and not actual learning, is the main goal, grades take on a disproportionate importance. It may seem that a small decimal digit separates the very best from those who are not in the top league. Employers may use an arbitrary cutoff of the final grade point average to determine who is worthy of their company; graduate schools may do something quite similar with a more humane name. As the competition in the world grows, more and more students worry about grades in an unhealthy way. Many of my students suffer from this affliction too - worrying about a point on a homework or an exam. As much as I tell them about the real purpose of a college or a university, my sermons are unlikely to make a dent in their worldview shaped by outside forces that reduce entire education to a number on a four-point scale.

The issue of fair grades, or grade inflation, is one that is being discussed at institutions around the world - including in Pakistan. Just as I have heard from students here in the US, I heard from students in Pakistan that they choose certain classes (and even certain majors) because other classes that they may be really interested in are known to give too few As, and hence their overall GPA is impacted negatively. A well-paying job is worth more than passion for a discipline. Therefore, we must ask what should a grade measure? When we, instructors, assign grades what are we actually doing? What is a fair grade?

Several models for grading are out there. One of the more popular ones, based on fixed number of grades in a certain category, assumes that in any given class only a certain percentage can be As, Bs and so on. But this means that the final grade is not a measure of some actual mastery of the subject, but a competition between students. In a class, where there are many exceptional students, a given student will not get an A, even if he or she has risen to a certain level and did incredible work, because some other people are better than him or her. In a class of 10 students, for example, a criterion of 20% As would mean only two students get an A, even if it has four absolutely outstanding students.

There are other models that assume that the scaled cumulative score over the semester should be over a certain threshold (such as 90%) or above to get an A. Critics argue that this leads to students arguing over every half point in each assignment because the tiniest of adjustments can put them over, or away from, the promised threshold.

Then there is the question of what grades should measure. Should it be some absolute command of the subject, or greatest amount of knowledge gained in a given semester? Imagine someone who had a handicap or a difficulty but demonstrated extraordinary learning over the course of the semester yet fell short of the threshold due to their disability. Do they deserve some kind of a &#39;bump&#39; - and if so, how much? How should we account for unique circumstances? What is fair here?

Universities have grappled with these issues for long and continue to do so. And I am not sure anyone has completely figured it out. None of the models are truly fair and many of us do not want any student to be treated unfairly. I have concerns about the models, but I have a bigger concern, and that is the reduction of class learning into a single number. I want my students to be engaged and challenged. I want to create a classroom that enables them to learn, take chances and grow intellectually. But I have realised that even when the students actually want to learn, our systems of employment and opportunities for advanced education force them to prioritise the score on the transcript over the life of the mind. The students may be fixated on grades and that is a problem, but they are also responding to market forces that reward this disastrous fixation. The students, in many cases, are not the problem.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/1082801-MuhammadHamidZamanNew-1460394018/1082801-MuhammadHamidZamanNew-1460394018.JPG" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Celebrate Eid - with responsibility</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610041/celebrate-eid-with-responsibility</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610041/celebrate-eid-with-responsibility#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Mon, 25 May 26 19:27:23 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Saira Samo]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2610041</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Pakistan has already experienced severe challenges during Covid-19, which exposed weaknesses in the country]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Every year on Eid-ul-Azha, municipal areas become overwhelmed by the influx of sacrificial waste. The improper disposal of animal remains, offal and blood inundates roads and streets and chokes local drainage systems, creating severe sanitation crises. The unpleasant smell and unhygienic conditions not only create discomfort for residents but also increase the risk of spreading dangerous diseases. Unfortunately, municipal authorities often fail to handle the enormous burden of waste collection and disposal during the Eid festival. Due to poor planning, lack of resources and weak implementation of sanitation policies, many urban areas remain dirty for days after Eid. In ordinary circumstances, this negligence is harmful, but in the current situation, it can become disastrous for public health.

Eid-ul-Azha is one of the most sacred religious occasions in Islam. In Pakistan, millions of animals are sacrificed every year during the three days of Eid. The significance of this practice is respected as a religious duty; however, the issue of cleanliness and waste management during the festival has become a serious public health concern that cannot be ignored. Therefore, this day should be observed not only with devotion but also with a strong sense of civic responsibility.

Pakistan has already experienced severe challenges during Covid-19, which exposed weaknesses in the country&#39;s healthcare and sanitation systems. At the same time, experts around the world continue to warn about the danger of zoonotic diseases, including the Nipah virus, which can spread through animals and unhygienic environments. In such circumstances, maintaining cleanliness during Eid-ul-Azha is no longer merely a civic duty; it is a matter of national health security. The government must therefore introduce strict and foolproof SOPs to minimise the risk of disease transmission.

One of the major problems during Eid-ul-Azha is the makeshift animal markets in residential and commercial areas. In such markets, animals are often kept in overcrowded conditions without proper veterinary supervision, sanitation or waste disposal arrangements. This not only creates environmental pollution but also threatens public health. The government should only allow well-organised sacrificial animal markets in designated areas away from densely populated neighborhoods.

These markets should include essential facilities such as trained veterinarians, vaccination centres, quality fodder and clean water supplies. Sick animals must be identified and isolated immediately to prevent the spread of infections. Furthermore, a proper registration system should be introduced where animal owners receive tokens and follow regulated procedures for buying and sacrificing animals. Such arrangements would reduce chaos and improve monitoring.

Proper management is also necessary for timely collection and disposal of waste. Offal collection teams must remain active throughout the three days of Eid. Garbage bags should be distributed among residents before Eid, and waste disposal vehicles should operate round the clock. The authorities should also spray disinfectants in streets and markets to prevent foul smells and bacterial growth. The waste management systems, if implemented effectively, can reduce environmental pollution during the festival.

However, the responsibility does not solely rest with the government; citizens must also play their part in maintaining cleanliness. People should avoid throwing waste into streets and drains and should cooperate with municipal workers. Religious scholars, media organisations and educational institutions can create awareness about cleanliness as an essential Islamic value. Islam strongly emphasises hygiene, and the spirit of Eid-ul-Azha lies in maintaining discipline, exercising responsibility and displaying concern for public welfare.

Given the ongoing threat of contagious diseases, maintain cleanliness is more important than ever. One concerning practice is storing meat rather than distributing it to the poor. Stored meat becomes rotten, may cause infections and loses its taste. To avoid this, one must take responsibility so that Eid-ul-Azha can be celebrated in a safe, hygienic and truly religious manner.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/WhatsApp-Image-2024-12-24-at-2-59-14-PM1735050438-0/WhatsApp-Image-2024-12-24-at-2-59-14-PM1735050438-0.jpeg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Who defaced Peshawar? Lessons from the UK</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610042/who-defaced-peshawar-lessons-from-the-uk</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610042/who-defaced-peshawar-lessons-from-the-uk#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Mon, 25 May 26 19:27:23 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Dr Syed Akhtar Ali Shah]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2610042</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Traffic congestion has become one of the city's defining realities]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Presently, I am travelling across the United Kingdom. Right from London to Nottingham, from Nottingham to Manchester, and from Manchester to Blackpool and Bradford, I have been observing not merely development, but a culture of civic discipline, urban order and respect for public spaces. Even small towns display remarkable planning and symmetry. Road signs are clearly visible and meticulously maintained. Vehicles move within their designated lanes, and during long journeys across cities and towns, one hardly hears the sound of horns.

What has impressed me even more is the pedestrian- and cycling-friendly environment. Separate tracks exist for walkers and cyclists. Drivers stop before pedestrian crossings and invariably give the right of way to pedestrians. In Redbridge, I walked up to a nearby park with jogging tracks, walking paths, and a serene lake. Litter bins are found everywhere. From the roads to the public parks, the environment is neat, green, dust-free and clean.

What has struck me most is that urban beauty here does not depend on expensive marble facades, decorative stones or extravagant beautification schemes. The authorities have not attempted to create artificial grandeur through costly structures. Instead, they have focused on cleanliness, greenery, proper road markings, pedestrian facilities, maintenance of public spaces and strict implementation of civic rules. There is simplicity, yet functionality; modesty, yet order.

As I walked through these streets and parks, I could not help comparing them with the condition of Peshawar, the heart of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. Once known as the &#39;City of Flowers&#39;, Peshawar today struggles with clogged drains, chaotic traffic, encroachments, shrinking public spaces, dust and unregulated urban expansion. Despite billions spent over the years in the name of uplift and beautification, the city often appears trapped between cosmetic projects and structural neglect.

The question therefore arises: why do cities in the United Kingdom remain functional and livable despite relatively simple urban designs, while our cities continue to struggle despite repeated beautification campaigns?

The answer lies in governance priorities.

In the United Kingdom, the emphasis appears to be on maintaining systems rather than merely announcing projects. Roads are not beautiful because they are covered with expensive stones; they are beautiful because they are clean, properly marked, dust-free and efficiently managed. Parks are not attractive because of decorative installations but because public spaces are protected, maintained and respected.

In contrast, our urban governance model frequently equates beautification with cosmetic construction. Greenbelts are decorated while drains remain choked. Pavements are rebuilt while encroachments continue unchecked. Roads are widened but parking regulation, pedestrian safety and traffic discipline remain neglected. Had the Redbridge Park existed in Peshawar, one fears that shops, kiosks, restaurants and even commercial plazas might eventually have emerged around it in the name of development or revenue generation, gradually suffocating the very spirit of the public space.

Peshawar&#39;s crisis is therefore not simply one of resources but of governance fragmentation, weak institutions and misplaced priorities. Multiple institutions - the Peshawar Development Authority (PDA), Water and Sanitation Services Peshawar (WSSP), Municipal Corporation, Tehsil Municipal Administrations, Public Health Engineering Department and others - operate with overlapping mandates and insufficient coordination. The result is duplication, inefficiency and weak accountability.

Traffic congestion has become one of the city&#39;s defining realities. University Road, GT Road, Kohat Road, Charsadda Road and Warsak Road frequently resemble immobilised corridors rather than functioning arteries of mobility. Encroachments continue to consume roadsides, footpaths and public spaces. Commercial plazas emerge in residential zones without adequate parking arrangements or planning compliance. Dust and unmanaged waste increasingly define the urban landscape.

However, while criticism of urban decline is necessary, fairness also demands acknowledgment of positive initiatives and administrative resolve where it exists. I fully admire the professional commitment and willingness to take up difficult challenges demonstrated by Riaz Khan Mehsud, the Commissioner Peshawar, under the dynamic and visionary leadership of Syed Shahab Ali Shah, the Chief Secretary of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. Both deserve appreciation for launching a drive against encroachments upon natural and man-made drains in and around Peshawar.

This initiative is particularly significant because encroachments upon drainage channels are not merely an issue of urban disorder; they directly contribute to flooding, environmental degradation, traffic disruption and public inconvenience. In many areas, natural drains have either narrowed due to illegal construction or become dumping grounds for waste and debris. During heavy rains, the consequences become visible in the form of urban flooding and collapse of civic systems.

The ongoing anti-encroachment drive demonstrates an important reality: with commitment, administrative courage and continuity of purpose, even difficult urban challenges can be confronted. I remain confident that if the same determination is sustained, Peshawar can still be transformed into one of the most livable and environmentally sustainable cities in Pakistan.

The real focus, however, must remain on cleanliness, greenery, proper urban management and, above all, protection of public spaces and natural drains. Urban reform should not be reduced to cosmetic beautification or short-term publicity campaigns. Sustainable cities are built through enforcement of rules, institutional coordination, environmental protection and civic discipline.

Peshawar still possesses immense strengths - its history, culture, resilience and strategic location. Yet unless governance fragmentation, weak enforcement and commercial encroachments are addressed decisively, the city will continue to lose both its functionality and its soul.

The real challenge is not merely to beautify Peshawar. It is to restore order, dignity, discipline and sustainability to a city that once stood as the cultural and historical gateway to the region.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Dr-Syed-Akhtar-Ali-Shah`1593545944-0/Dr-Syed-Akhtar-Ali-Shah`1593545944-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Time to share blessings and joy!</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610235/time-to-share-blessings-and-joy</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610235/time-to-share-blessings-and-joy#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Tue, 26 May 26 18:18:53 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[editorial]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Editorial]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2610235</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Eid-ul-Azha reminds us of significance of sacrifice, generosity to the needy, and submission to the Will of Almighty]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Eid-ul-Azha reminds us of the significance of sacrifice, generosity towards the needy, and the spirit of submission to the Will of Almighty. The glorious episode of love that Prophet Ibrahim (PBUH) beseeched for the Creator &ndash; as he went on to &#39;slaughter&#39; his son, Ismael, in compliance with his prophesy dream &ndash; is a lesson in obedience and commitment to the commandants of Allah, and for inculcating a society that is selfless and puritan.

This is what the contemporary Muslim world needs. And the best way to pay homage on this day is to recommit ourselves to the teachings of Islam that call for erecting a benevolent society by shunning prejudice and embracing each other in pursuit of a monolithic community. That is how &ndash; through a gesture of cordiality and oneness &ndash; true salvation can be attained and socio-economic irritants can be overcome.

This year&#39;s ritual of Hajj has come on the heels of war and destruction in parts of the world, with the effects felt even farther and wider. And the fact that millions of people have still managed to pour over the holy land for circumambulating the Holy Kaaba is a blessing, indeed. Braving heat and odd conditions to seek divine blessings, the pilgrims have united to pray for global peace and harmony, and a world free from discrimination.

This Festival of Sacrifice is all the more important as it buoys inter-faith harmony in a world marred by wars, conflict, disharmony and hatred. The exemplary sacrificial deed of Prophet Ibrahim (PBUH) is eulogised and held in high esteem by three great religions of divinity &ndash; providing an opportunity for reconciling worldly differences and working together for bringing an end to poverty and parochialism.

Moreover, this is a day of joy for all. As the affluent make sacrificial offerings, they are under an obligation to share it with the poor and needy. This way they also realise the importance of economic disparity widespread in our midst, and learn why the Almighty has instructed us to care for the deprived segments of society. Pakistanis too must find a moment of introspection on this day, as our society is plagued by severe economic grievances, while persistent instability continues to exact a heavy toll.

The first small gesture of making a new beginning is to embrace each other, and take a leap forward in socio-political amalgamation. That would truly be in the spirit of the great sacrifice, as shunning ego-centrism and collectively working for an ordained society is, primarily, the true message of Eid. Reaching out to aggrieved and deprived sections of society, and pledging to do away with hatred and sense of otherness are indispensable gestures. Peers, parents and scholars must inculcate this message without failing. A very happy Eid Mubarak to our readers!]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Editorial-New1131222/Editorial-New1131222.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>75 years of ironclad friendship</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610234/75-years-of-ironclad-friendship</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610234/75-years-of-ironclad-friendship#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Tue, 26 May 26 18:18:53 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[editorial]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Editorial]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2610234</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[PM Shehbaz's ongoing tour of China has reinforced the deep strategic, economic alignment between Islamabad, Beijing]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Timed with the 75th anniversary of bilateral ties, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif&#39;s ongoing tour of China has reinforced the deep strategic and economic alignment between Islamabad and Beijing. While Beijing is always going to be the bigger partner, Shehbaz&#39;s meetings with all of China&#39;s top leaders &ndash; including President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Li Qiang &ndash; and agreements in several critical areas speak of Islamabad&#39;s importance in the relationship. Some of the deals reached include agreements relating to agriculture, education, media cooperation and trade, reflecting the widening scope of the bilateral engagement beyond the traditional framework of infrastructure and defence ties. Pakistani officials also projected the tour as a shot in the arm for CPEC and for potentially attracting fresh investment at a time when Pakistan - like most of the world - has come under severe economic instability and fiscal pressure due to the US-Israeli misadventure in Iran.

Chinese President Xi Jinping also made clear that Beijing supports and appreciates Islamabad&#39;s role in seeking to resolve the Iran war, which has ravaged the global economy. The statement - and similar praise from PM Shehbaz - demonstrate the fact that despite the shifting geopolitical sands, Pakistan and China remain on the same page. In a broader sense, it is also worth noting that China&#39;s &#39;stamp of approval&#39; for Islamabad&#39;s role in facilitating US-Iran talks is confirmation that both warring parties trust Pakistan. Not only is China also Iran&#39;s most important ally and its biggest trading partner, but is one of the only countries in the world that can&#39;t be bullied by the US, and its endorsement could prove critical to ensuring the US respects any future peace deal. It also reasserts Pakistan&#39;s importance in world affairs, as the country is proving its mettle in walking the fine line required to maintain healthy relationships with all of the world&#39;s power centres.

Meanwhile, the joint statement issued after wide-ranging interactions and engagements between the two sides is reflective of a &quot;new broad consensus on further deepening the All-Weather Strategic Cooperative Partnership and on international and regional issues of mutual interest&quot;. That the two sides decided to &quot;move faster to build an even closer China-Pakistan Community with a Shared Future in the New Era&quot; shows a mutual commitment to safeguarding shared core interests and regional stability. Coming in complete reciprocity is PM Shehbaz&#39;s express support for President Xi&#39;s &quot;vision of building a Community with a Shared Future for Humanity and the Global Development Initiative (GDI), the Global Security Initiative (GSI), the Global Civilization Initiative (GCI), and the Global Governance Initiative (GGI)&quot;.

On diplomatic front, Islamabad&#39;s &quot;strong commitment to the one-China principle&quot; with Taiwan being &quot;an inalienable part of the territory of the People&#39;s Republic of China&quot; and Beijing&#39;s insistence on &quot;peacefully resolving&quot; the Kashmir dispute &quot;in accordance with the U.N. Charter, relevant U.N. Security Council resolutions and bilateral agreements&quot; as well as its readiness for &quot;trans-boundary water resources cooperation under the principle of equality and mutual benefit&quot; illustrate that the strategic alliance between the two sides is based on a strict framework of mutual diplomatic reciprocity. Moreover, their agreement to stay in close coordination on Afghanistan and prohibit any individual, group or party like TTP, ETIM, etc from using their territories for spreading unrest highlights a unified front against cross-border militancy in pursuit of regional peace and security.

No wonder, 75 years and counting!]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Editorial-New1131222/Editorial-New1131222.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>An untenable approach</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610038/an-untenable-approach</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610038/an-untenable-approach#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Mon, 25 May 26 19:27:23 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[editorial]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Editorial]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2610038</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Masses are rather in for another bombshell of taxation]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[The government has dropped hints that the upcoming budget may not feature any raise in salaries and pensions &ndash; suggesting a lack of consideration for the economic pressures facing the salaried sector. The Federal Minister of State for Finance has, in a recent statement, cited IMF commitments for the government&#39;s inability to offer any fiscal relief to the masses. The statement underscores how disconnected policymakers remain from the harsh economic realities confronting average citizens. It speaks of the hollowness of the dispensation in addressing economic woes despite tall claims of achieving financial stability, improving forex reserves and restoring confidence of the lenders.

The masses are rather in for another bombshell of taxation. The provinces have been asked to generate an additional Rs400 billion, as the federation has to extract another Rs268 billion from petroleum development levy &ndash; something that would send the prices, already in excess of Rs400 per litre, even higher. Likewise, our products, lacking competitiveness in the international market, have resulted in our exports dropping by 6.25% to $25.21 billion during the July-April period of FY26. Imports, on the other hand, have crossed the $50 billion mark in the first 10 months of the ongoing fiscal, reflecting an increase of over 9 per cent. That obviously has an impact on the prices of essentials that are conveniently getting out of the common man&#39;s reach.

The laissez-faire approach of the government has emboldened elite capture &ndash; remember, $22 billion per annum are usurped in the country, according to World Bank estimates. No wonder, a further 10% of the populace has fallen below the poverty line. With more than 10 million stunted children, 26 million out of school kids, 7% unemployed individuals and 53% souls devoid of drinking water, the fabric of nationhood is in tatters. Last but not least, the government&#39;s austerity is no less than a mockery as the mighty and the powerful hold sway over state resources. The least that is desired is to protect the downtrodden from the dictates of the lenders.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Editorial-New1131222/Editorial-New1131222.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Data security</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610039/data-security</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2610039/data-security#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Mon, 25 May 26 19:27:23 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[editorial]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Editorial]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2610039</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[More troubling is the suggestion that information leaks may have been enabled through institutional channels]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Pakistan&#39;s digital transformation has accelerated rapidly over the past decade. But while the country has embraced technology, it continues to treat data protection with an alarming degree of complacency. A case in point are the recent revelations surrounding a network of individuals involved in stealing sensitive information of Pakistani citizens and selling it onward.

More troubling is the suggestion that information leaks may have been enabled through institutional channels. If citizens cannot trust institutions to safeguard their information, confidence in the state&#39;s digital infrastructure itself will erode. The country&#39;s push towards digitisation cannot proceed without recognising that information security is part of overall infrastructure. Roads require maintenance. Power systems require regulation. Digital systems require protection. Pakistan has also struggled to establish a comprehensive legal framework capable of protecting personal information at scale. Personal Data Protection Bill has remained under discussion for years without becoming a fully operational reality. Meanwhile, digital expansion continues accelerating, and the gap between technological growth and regulatory preparedness continues to widen.

It is therefore imperative to build an entire governance ecosystem around data as a national asset. Institutional access to data must be radically tightened. Most large-scale leaks globally do not happen through &quot;hackers in isolation&quot; but through excessive internal access. Every access to sensitive records must be logged, time-stamped and auditable. In parallel, there must be automated anomaly detection systems that flag unusual data extraction patterns in real time. At present, multiple institutions hold data without a unified authority that can inspect and inspect across the system. A strong, autonomous data protection regulator - similar in function to models in the EU or parts of Asia - would do well to curtail this problem. The state build the institutional capacity required to protect data before it continues to promote digitisation as a marker of modern governance.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Editorial-New1131222/Editorial-New1131222.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Modern Tech Leadership: Building Systems That Scale</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2545646/modern-tech-leadership-building-systems-that-scale</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2545646/modern-tech-leadership-building-systems-that-scale#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Tue, 13 May 25 18:54:31 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Shaukat Ali Khan]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2545646</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[The author is Advisor to the President, Aga Khan University.]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[In the crucible of modern technology leadership, where AI advancements outpace human adaptation and market shifts occur in real time, a new paradigm has emerged. The most effective tech leaders no longer rely on individual brilliance alone; they architect organizational systems that transform pressure into performance.

Recent data reveals a troubling reality: 61% of tech executives report unsustainable stress levels (Harvard Business Review), while leadership fatigue costs the industry $300 billion annually in lost productivity (Deloitte). These numbers underscore a fundamental truth &mdash; the challenges of tech leadership have evolved beyond what any individual can manage through sheer willpower.

The unique pressures facing tech leaders manifest in three critical dimensions. Decision-making occurs against a backdrop of exponential data growth, with IDC reporting that global data volumes double every two years &mdash; a reality that leaves 49% of tech leaders experiencing decision paralysis (MIT Sloan). Alignment becomes increasingly fragile in distributed engineering teams, where Gallup finds only 28% of technologists feel deeply connected to their company&#39;s mission. Meanwhile, the World Health Organization documents a 35% surge in leadership burnout since 2020, particularly acute in the tech sector&rsquo;s always-on culture.

What separates thriving tech leaders from those who merely survive? The answer lies in systematic approaches to five fundamental pillars of leadership. Vision in technology organizations must be both aspirational and adaptable. McKinsey research confirms that tech companies with dynamic, clearly articulated visions grow 1.5 times faster than competitors. Microsoft&rsquo;s transformation under Satya Nadella exemplifies this principle, where reframing the company&rsquo;s mission around empowerment rather than devices catalyzed a trillion-dollar market cap surge while increasing engineering team alignment by 32% (Harvard Business Review).

Transparency serves as the operating system for modern tech organizations. In an industry where Gartner reports 70% of technical initiatives fail to meet objectives, Gallup data shows that teams with transparent leaders demonstrate 3.5 times higher engagement. This principle manifests in radical openness &mdash; from GitLab&rsquo;s 6,000-page public handbook to Datadog&rsquo;s transparent incident postmortems &mdash; practices that Aberdeen Group links to 47% higher shareholder returns in tech companies.

The velocity of technological change demands unprecedented decisiveness. Stanford research indicates that hesitation costs tech firms 30% in lost innovation speed, while Bain &amp; Company data reveals that leaders who make critical decisions within 48 hours of receiving data drive 40% faster growth. Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang&rsquo;s 2006 bet on CUDA architecture, made against prevailing wisdom, demonstrates how such decisive leadership builds enduring competitive advantage in the AI era.

Resilience in tech leadership requires more than personal fortitude &mdash; it demands institutionalized systems for recovery. The Journal of Applied Psychology documents that resilient tech leaders drive 25% more innovation output, with MIT research showing 82% attribute their success to structured problem-solving frameworks rather than individual heroics. Apple&rsquo;s resurgence under Steve Jobs emerged not from charismatic leadership alone, but from implementing ruthless product prioritization systems that transformed a billion-dollar loss into a $350 billion valuation.

Stakeholder trust functions as technical debt for tech leaders &mdash; it compounds quietly but determines long-term viability. PwC&rsquo;s CEO Survey finds 85% of tech leaders directly link trust to valuation, a connection exemplified by AMD&rsquo;s Lisa Su, who rebuilt investor confidence through transparent technology roadmaps after near collapse. Edelman data confirms that tech companies maintaining high stakeholder trust achieve 2.5 times greater revenue growth during market fluctuations.

The most forward-thinking tech leaders recognize that sustainable success emerges from systems rather than individual brilliance. Harvard research demonstrates that structured decision frameworks reduce deliberation time by 50% &mdash; critical when AI models can obsolete strategies overnight. McKinsey findings show that teams with clear systems adapt 60% faster to disruptions like API deprecations or supply chain shocks. Even failures become accelerants when properly analysed. Stanford studies reveal that tech organizations conducting rigorous postmortems improve 30% faster after setbacks.

This new leadership calculus represents a fundamental shift in how tech organizations scale. The most effective leaders don&rsquo;t simply make better decisions &mdash; they build better decision-making systems. They don&rsquo;t just communicate; they engineer transparency into their organizational DNA. They recognize that in an era of continuous deployment and real-time market shifts, sustainable leadership comes not from being the smartest engineer in the room, but from creating environments where every engineer can perform at their best. As artificial intelligence reshapes the technological landscape, this systematic approach to leadership may prove to be the ultimate competitive advantage.

The data leaves little room for debate &mdash; the future belongs to tech leaders who architect organizations as thoughtfully as they design systems. In doing so, they transform the overwhelming complexity of modern technology leadership from a crisis to be managed into a competitive edge to be leveraged. The organizations that embrace this paradigm won&rsquo;t just survive the coming waves of disruption &mdash; they&rsquo;ll define them.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/whatsapp-image-2025-05-14-at-12-03-53-am1747163126-0/whatsapp-image-2025-05-14-at-12-03-53-am1747163126-0.jpeg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Hurdles in materialization of GCC’s economic ventures in Pakistan</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2517229/hurdles-in-materialization-of-gccs-economic-ventures-in-pakistan</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2517229/hurdles-in-materialization-of-gccs-economic-ventures-in-pakistan#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Fri, 20 Dec 24 05:55:06 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Syed Ahmed Ali]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2517229</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Pakistan must boost economic productivity to enhance trade ties with GCC countries and ensure sustainable growth.]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[The organization of the Gulf Cooperation Council was formed in 1981 which consists of six states: Qatar, Oman, Kuwait, Bahrain, United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia. The Gulf region is one of the most resource-rich areas namely crude oil and gas. In recent years the GCC countries have reduced their dependency on energy trade and promoted economic diversification. To pursue their economic diversification initiative, GCC countries have engaged in cooperation with other regions such as South Asia, which offers key resources and technical expertise. Pakistan being a member state of the South Asian region, stands at the crossroads to either connect itself with external regions such as the Middle East or risk economic isolation.

Huma Yusuf in an article titled &ldquo;Wide Gulf&rdquo; analyzed the GCC approach to the South Asian region, which seems to develop economic relations with India while maintaining military cooperation with Pakistan on specific security issues alongside occasional economic packages to aid Pakistan&rsquo;s ailing economy. Pakistan&rsquo;s GCC policy prioritizes political and security issues over developing economic relations. As noted by Shashank Joshi, Pakistan&rsquo;s relations with Arab states seem to be military-centric. As a consequence, Pakistan&#39;s economy suffers from a lack of a conducive environment for economic productivity and regional integration.

Pakistan&#39;s economic cooperation with GCC states while still in its infancy does touch some important sectors which need to be explored. The most important sector between Pakistan and the GCC economic relations is the energy trade. In July 2023, Saudi Arabia announced that it would invest 10 billion dollars in Gwadar, Balochistan to construct an oil refinery, which would help with GCC energy exports in the South Asian region. In the same year, the UAE signed a memorandum (MoU) for the possibility of developing renewable energy in Pakistan. In 2016 Qatar became a major supplier of Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) to Pakistan through its LNG terminal agreement which was worth 15 billion dollars for a 15-year supply.

Apart from helping the energy sector, the GCC has also helped develop the Infrastructure of Pakistan, particularly in Azad Jammu and Kashmir. On the 22nd of October 2022, Saudi Arabia agreed to fund infrastructure projects in Neelum Valley and Muzaffarabad worth 30 billion rupees as a part of its Saudi Fund for Development (SFD). The SFD is a Saudi government assistance program that helps provide financial assistance to developing countries. Apart from providing financial aid to governmental projects, the GCC is a major investor in the real estate business in Pakistan. In 2013 Malik Riaz of the Bahria Group and Sheikh Nahyan of the Abu Dhabi Group invested 45 billion dollars in Pakistan&rsquo;s real estate industry, where they invested 10 billion dollars in Lahore and 35 billion in Karachi.

Apart from the real estate industry, the GCC countries have made a significant impact on various sectors of Pakistan&rsquo;s economy. In 2009 the Saudi government leased 500,000 acres of agricultural land from Pakistan to grow wheat as a means to ensure Saudi food security. Apart from the agricultural industry, the GCC supports Pakistani manufacturing by importing construction materials like cement. In 2004 Pakistan received a demand for cement of about 2000 tons per week from the UAE, which was supplied by Lucky Cement, DG Khan, and Attock In the field of fertilizer production Saudi Companies like SABIC have invested in Pakistan&rsquo;s fertilizer manufacturing through National Chemical Fertilizer Company (NFC).

The investments and economic aid provided by the GCC to Pakistan are channeled through joint cooperation organizations. One such organization is the UAE-Pakistan Assistance Program (UAE-PAP) which provided 200 million dollars of economic aid to Pakistan in May 2018. The objective of this funding was to provide humanitarian assistance to the vulnerable people in Pakistan. More recently, the Saudi-Pakistan Investment Conference announced a 20 billion investment, which covered diverse areas including energy, agriculture, and the environment.

Pakistan GCC trade relations are import intensive, where Gulf investors look to attract Pakistani investment in real estate, export their energy industry, and lease agricultural lands. In 2016 the trade deficit between Pakistan and GCC countries was 1.1 billion dollars, this increased to 1.3 billion dollars in 2020. The trade relationship between GCC and Pakistan is driven by rising imports and the depreciation of the Pakistani rupee which leads to the depletion of Pakistan&rsquo;s foreign exchange reserves. This vicious cycle of rising import costs and increasing foreign debt can only be mitigated through boosting economic productivity which is essential to have a long-lasting sustainable trade relationship with the GCC.

Pakistan faces significant challenges in its governance system to boost its economic productivity. Pakistan historically has inconsistency in its policy-making owing to political instability and frequent change in governments. Pakistan lacks a shared framework of economic policies shared by all stakeholders, which often leads to disruption of the previous policies initiated by the previous government. To make matters worse Pakistan&#39;s administration system suffers from red-tapism, where bureaucratic delays and complicated forms make it difficult for potential investors to invest.

Pakistan faces an acute energy crisis, where the cost of energy makes the cost of doing business too high. This leads to industrial regression where many investors look to set up their production plants where the energy costs are low. The use of renewable energy resources such as hydroelectric power plants can help reduce the cost of energy production. Solar panel technology for localized energy production is ideal in remote areas lacking grid connectivity. Energy costs can be reduced by using localized source fuels, such as Thar coal which is a cheaper alternative than foreign imported coal.

Pakistan needs export diversification, where the government needs to encourage the growth of new industrial sectors such as IT and the pharmaceutical industry. These industries produce greater value-added products which have a greater value meaning a greater inflow of foreign currency. Pakistan can help the growth of these new industrial sectors by providing export incentives such as reducing taxes on export industries. The government can also provide technical training services to help improve labor productivity.

Through these measures, Pakistan can improve its economic productivity and increase its foreign exchange currency reserves, which is important to build a more sustainable and long-lasting trade partnership with GCC countries. Such trade relations will help Pakistan&rsquo;s economy to grow and build stronger cooperation with the Gulf region.

The writer is an analyst on Middle East and South Asia]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Express-Tribune-(10)1734686655-0/Express-Tribune-(10)1734686655-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Schrödinger’s Cat and Pakistan’s Economy: Alive, dead, or both?</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2517054/schrodingers-cat-and-pakistans-economy-alive-dead-or-both</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2517054/schrodingers-cat-and-pakistans-economy-alive-dead-or-both#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Thu, 19 Dec 24 10:18:40 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Dr Aneel Salman]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2517054</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Pakistan’s economy is in flux, showing signs of life but facing challenges that keep it uncertain.]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Imagine a cat in a sealed box, both alive and dead at the same time&mdash;Schr&ouml;dinger&rsquo;s famous thought experiment in quantum mechanics. Now replace the cat with Pakistan&rsquo;s economy, and you have a paradox that would make even Erwin Schr&ouml;dinger scratch his head.

Is Pakistan&rsquo;s economy thriving, or is it a mirage of temporary improvements? Like the metaphorical box, the truth only reveals itself once we look deeper. On the surface, Pakistan&rsquo;s economy seems to be showing signs of life. Inflation, which was roaring just months ago, has started to ease, particularly in food prices.

In November 2024, inflation dropped sharply to 4.9%, down from over 30% in 2023, providing relief to households that have struggled with sky-high grocery bills.
From a broader perspective, fiscal and external accounts appear to be turning a corner. The government&rsquo;s disciplined spending has led to a primary surplus, a feat that many developing economies struggle to achieve.

The current account has posted a surplus for three consecutive months, indicating improved external balances. Foreign exchange reserves have crossed $12 billion for the first time in over two years, reaching $12.04 billion in November 2024, reducing immediate fears of default.
There&rsquo;s even talk of Pakistan re-entering the MSCI Emerging Markets Index, which could bring much-needed foreign portfolio investments.

The stock market has responded with renewed enthusiasm, with the benchmark share index hitting a lifetime high following the IMF&rsquo;s approval of a $7 billion bailout deal.
Corporate Pakistan, despite the recent turmoil, is cautiously optimistic. Banks have reported soaring profits, with some of the highest returns in Asia, due to high-interest rates and increased government borrowing.

The technology sector has attracted international venture capital, signalling confidence in the country&rsquo;s young talent pool. Agricultural reforms, including better irrigation and the introduction of high-yield seeds, are starting to pay off. In the FMCG sector, multinationals are reporting growth as consumer demand begins to recover. Meanwhile, automotive assemblers and manufacturers are ramping up production after a prolonged slump.

But here&rsquo;s the twist: Schr&ouml;dinger&rsquo;s cat is still in the box. Is this economic revival genuinely sustainable, or is it a temporary high? Much of the current stability hinges on policy measures that are inherently short-term. Import restrictions and remittance inflows have propped up reserves, but what happens when those restrictions are lifted? Is the economy fundamentally stronger, or are we just seeing a Band-Aid over a deep wound?

Debt remains the elephant&mdash;or perhaps the tiger&mdash;in the room. Pakistan&rsquo;s external debt obligations are massive, requiring substantial foreign exchange outflows. Without consistent export growth or foreign direct investment (FDI), the current account surplus could quickly vanish. The energy sector, despite progress in renewable projects, still struggles with circular debt and over-reliance on imported fuels, making it vulnerable to global shocks.

And let&rsquo;s not forget the perpetual wild card: politics. Policy consistency and investor confidence often take a backseat to political turmoil. In a country where ministers change faster than seasons, long-term economic planning is easier said than done.

So, what&rsquo;s the way forward for Pakistan&rsquo;s Schr&ouml;dinger economy? To truly open the box and find a thriving economy inside, Pakistan must shift from firefighting to systemic reform. Exports need to diversify beyond textiles&mdash;IT services, for instance, hold enormous untapped potential. Investment in renewable energy and domestic resources can reduce the dependency on volatile global fuel markets.
The tax system needs a complete overhaul.

Broadening the tax base by formalizing the informal economy is crucial. Digitization of tax processes has started, but enforcement and trust-building with businesses remain key. Regional trade offers another lifeline. Strengthening trade with Afghanistan, Central Asia, and even India could open up new economic corridors and stabilize supply chains.

Pakistan must also tackle inefficiencies in state-owned enterprises, which continue to bleed the exchequer. Privatization or restructuring, though politically sensitive, could reduce fiscal drag. Finally, political and institutional stability cannot be overstated. A consistent policy framework and good governance are critical to unlocking the country&rsquo;s potential.

As of now, Pakistan&rsquo;s economy remains in a superposition&mdash;alive, dead, or somewhere in between. The current signs are hopeful, but as any physicist&mdash;or economist&mdash;would tell you, the true state only reveals itself with time, data, and bold action. Until then, Schr&ouml;dinger&rsquo;s cat, or rather Pakistan&rsquo;s economy, keeps us guessing.

&nbsp;]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Dr-Aneel-Salman1697312666-1/Dr-Aneel-Salman1697312666-1.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Breaking free from inertia</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2573191/breaking-free-from-inertia</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2573191/breaking-free-from-inertia#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Sun, 19 Oct 25 19:19:25 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Nadeem Javaid]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2573191</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Pakistan finds itself unable to prosper]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Pakistan once stood at the edge of promise - a young nation alive with ambition, industry, and the dream of joining Asia&#39;s rising tigers. But somewhere along the way, that energy dimmed. Growth lost its rhythm, and progress began to circle instead of climb. The country now finds itself caught in what economists call the Middle-Income Trap &mdash; a place where nations rise above abject poverty but fail to reach prosperity. In this zone, costs rise faster than productivity, innovation stalls, and ambition outpaces capacity. Pakistan, once a symbol of potential, risks becoming an example of inertia &mdash; not poor enough for aid, yet not strong enough to compete.

The trap captures countries that grow through low-wage manufacturing and basic exports but stumble when wages rise, and productivity fails to keep pace. Argentina, Brazil and Thailand have struggled in this space for decades. Pakistan&#39;s case is similar: an economy that moves, but no longer moves forward.

Take exports. Pakistan&#39;s total exports stood around $32 billion, barely changed in years. By contrast, Vietnam&#39;s exports crossed $354 billion, despite both economies starting at similar levels two decades ago. While Bangladesh and Vietnam diversified into electronics, garments and machinery, Pakistan remains locked into low-value textiles and primary commodities. Its inability to upgrade the export base has kept the external sector stagnant and vulnerable.

Human capital tells a similar story. Pakistan spends barely 1.5 per cent of GDP on education - among the lowest in Asia. Millions of children remain out of school, and even university graduates often lack market-relevant skills. Without investment in people, productivity cannot grow - and without productivity, prosperity cannot follow.

Institutional fragility compounds the problem. Every few years, the cycle repeats - IMF bailouts, currency shocks and short-term fiscal fixes. Political volatility and administrative discontinuity have turned policymaking into crisis management. Investors, both domestic and foreign, hesitate in such an environment. High interest rates, arbitrary taxation and poor contract enforcement have produced what might be called a &quot;fear economy&quot; - one where capital hides instead of builds, and risk-taking gives way to risk-avoidance.

Meanwhile, the informal sector dominates. More than 70 per cent of Pakistan&#39;s workforce operates outside formal structures - underpaid, unprotected and untaxed. This keeps productivity low and deprives the state of much-needed revenue. Weak public investment in infrastructure and services then reinforces the cycle of low growth and inequality.

But the most subtle trap is psychological. A comfortable middle class has learned to live with stagnation. Malls expand, cars multiply and consumption thrives, but innovation languishes. Too many seek safety in government jobs or overseas remittances, while too few take the risks that fuel enterprise. It is this quiet acceptance of &quot;just enough&quot; that makes inertia so powerful - and so dangerous.

History, however, offers a way out. South Korea in the 1960s was poorer than Pakistan but climbed out of poverty through export discipline, industrial upgrading and massive investment in education. China transformed from low-end assembly to global technology leadership through long-term planning and institutional focus. Malaysia avoided the trap by building a diversified, knowledge-based economy anchored in policy continuity and political stability. None of these transitions happened overnight; each demanded decades of consistent reform and national purpose.

For Pakistan, breaking free from inertia requires a similar commitment - not cosmetic fixes, but foundational change.

First, invest in people. Raise education and skills spending to at least 45 per cent of GDP. Focus on digital literacy, STEM education and vocational training through public-private partnerships that connect learning with livelihoods.

Second, reform the tax system. Agriculture, real estate and retail must enter the tax net. Simplify compliance through technology and transparency, broaden the base, and reduce distortions that punish the formal sector.

Third, empower cities. Urban centres generate nearly 80 per cent of GDP yet remain fiscally suffocated. Devolving authority to local governments, simplifying business licensing, and expanding microfinance - especially for women - can unleash immense productive potential.

Fourth, separate economic governance from political turbulence. The National Economic Council should guide long-term policy insulated from election cycles, ensuring continuity and coherence.

Fifth, engage the diaspora as partners, not just remitters. Pakistan&#39;s nine million overseas citizens can drive entrepreneurship, investment and technology transfer - injecting new ideas and capital into the economy.

Finally, open markets and ensure fair competition. Decades of protectionism and rent-seeking have entrenched inefficiency. Phasing out distortive subsidies, arbitrary tariffs and discretionary powers would reward productivity and innovation rather than privilege and influence.

Breaking free from inertia is more than an economic task - it is a national awakening. It means replacing short-term fixes with long-term vision, dependency with creativity, and fear with confidence. Pakistan cannot grow by surviving; it must thrive by transforming.

The choice is simple yet profound: remain comfortable in stagnation or embrace the hard climb toward renewal. The Middle-Income Trap is not an inevitability; it&#39;s a choice: to reform or to resign to mediocrity. The real trap isn&#39;t income; it&#39;s inertia. And only courage, consistency and commitment can break it.

The next generation of Pakistanis deserves more than survival. They deserve momentum - born of bold, consistent action, and the courage to leap forward rather than limp in circles.

The writer is the Vice Chancellor of the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE) and Member at Planning Commission of Pakistan]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/nadeem-javaid1760904982-0/nadeem-javaid1760904982-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Disaster, destiny and our responsibility</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2564513/disaster-destiny-and-our-responsibility</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2564513/disaster-destiny-and-our-responsibility#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Mon, 01 Sep 25 20:46:59 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[M Zeb Khan]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2564513</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[The problem in Pakistan is not belief in destiny itself, but its misinterpretation]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[When a tragedy strikes in Pakistan, the most common reaction is: &quot;It was God&#39;s will.&quot; This simple phrase has profound power and implications. It helps people cope with unbearable grief, cushions them from prolonged trauma, and provides a collective psychological framework in which loss is given meaning. In a society where faith is deeply woven into daily life, belief in destiny is not just theology - it is therapy.

But beneath this comfort lies a danger. By placing disasters solely in the realm of fate, we risk absolving ourselves of responsibility. Fatalism, when misapplied, can slide from a spiritual solace into a culture of complacency. Instead of asking hard questions about preventable causes, we retreat into resignation. Disasters become not moments of accountability but acts of destiny.

Consider floods. It is true that global climate change has placed Pakistan among the most vulnerable nations on the planet. These global forces are outside our immediate control. Yet, the devastation that follows each season of heavy rains is not a simple natural occurrence. It is compounded, amplified, and often manufactured by local realities.

Overpopulation has pushed communities into flood-prone areas, often along riverbanks where survival is precarious. Unplanned urban sprawl has overwhelmed fragile drainage systems. Deforestation in the north has stripped away natural barriers against floods and landslides. Poorly constructed homes collapse at the first touch of water, while weak infrastructure - roads, bridges and embankments - crumbles under pressure. Corruption and short-term politics mean that dams and canals remain mismanaged, and flood-prevention plans gather dust.

The same logic applies to other calamities. Road accidents are too easily accepted as &quot;God&#39;s will&quot;. But many stem from reckless driving, poorly enforced traffic rules, or vehicles unfit for the road. Factory fires, often deadly, are not acts of destiny but the result of absent safety standards and greed-driven shortcuts. Even terrorism, while politically complex, thrives when security lapses and governance failures create fertile ground. In each case, responsibility disappears behind the shield of fate.

Ironically, this is not what Islam teaches. The Qur&#39;an consistently calls for both reliance on God (tawakkul) and accountability for human action. &quot;Indeed, Allah does not change the condition of a people until they change what is in themselves&quot; (13:11). Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) famously advised a man to tie his camel before trusting in God&#39;s protection. The message is clear: trust in divine decree must go hand in hand with human responsibility. To rely on fate without effort is not faith - it is negligence.

The problem in Pakistan is not belief in destiny itself, but its misinterpretation. Instead of a balanced philosophy that combines spiritual acceptance with worldly responsibility, destiny has been reduced to an excuse. It allows individuals, communities and governments to evade accountability. It transforms what should be moments of collective learning into cycles of repeated tragedy.

The way forward requires a shift in mindset. Disasters must be understood not only as divine tests but as opportunities for reform. When floods strike, the question should not only be, &quot;Why us?&quot; but also, &quot;What must we change?&quot; When accidents occur, the response should not end at grief but extend to improving safety and enforcing laws. When violence erupts, society must hold accountable not only the perpetrators but also the structures that allowed it.

Pakistan cannot afford to treat destiny as a shield against responsibility. The Qur&#39;anic vision of humans as khalifa - stewards of the earth - places upon us a duty of care. This stewardship means planting trees instead of cutting them, enforcing safety standards instead of ignoring them, building resilient infrastructure instead of cheap structures, and investing in disaster preparedness rather than leaving everything to chance.

Disasters will always come. Climate change will make them more frequent, urbanisation will make them more complex, and global politics will make them more unpredictable. But whether they destroy us or strengthen us will depend less on destiny and more on the choices we make.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/M-Zeb-Khan1606244671-0/M-Zeb-Khan1606244671-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Gaza war - winning and losing</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2572800/gaza-war-winning-and-losing</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2572800/gaza-war-winning-and-losing#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Thu, 16 Oct 25 19:25:22 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Aneela Shahzad]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2572800</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[The truth behind global politics is often obscured by power plays and egos, leaving the innocent to suffer]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[The upright never defeat evil, but they pretty much expose it. But evil, when exposed, even when drenched in ignominy, raises itself from its lewd bottomness, with the power of its dishonesty and deviousness, to heights of vainglory and fanfare - so that the distance between brazen tyranny and honourable virtue is so great that it is virtually unbridgeable.

This is not new; it is a repeated history. Over 3,000 years back, when Moses brought God&#39;s message, asking the Pharaoh to stop tyranny upon his people and give them their freedom; and proved his truth with the miracle of the staff - what did Pharaoh and his chieftains do with all the miracles? Even when their consciences were telling them that Moses had brought the truth, their self-interests, their gluttony and their rapacity forced them to turn over their inners voices and unite upon the evil that ensures them their worldly luxuries.

&#39;So, they disputed, one with another, over their affair, but they kept secret their whispers. They said: These two are magicians: their object is to drive you out from your land with their magic, and to do away with your most exemplary ways. So, put together your plan, and then assemble in ranks: He wins today who gains the upper hand,&#39; (TaHa;62-64).

Three lines from the Quran give a complete anatomy of the psychology in play. If you are for the overkill, the lavish overabundance, the excess powers, you suppress your morality. You malign the righteous as criminals, terrorist and &#39;magicians&#39;. And you unite with all the powerful, resourceful elites, ensure one another of the exemplary &#39;way of life&#39; and regimes you have, and put your plans together. And then you tell each other that you just need to win the moment - meaning that if you are able to show the people that your sorcerers are abler than the two brothers, the people will willfully accept your power.

Now, 3,000 years later, imagine Pharaoh&#39;s court and his chieftains, and imagine Sharm as Sheikh! And just imagine for yourself, who is the Pharaoh, who are the chieftains, who are the ones who aggrandise their tyranny as true power, and who are the sorcerers that make the people of the world believe that peace has been brought to war-torn Gaza!

Humanity looks with bewildered eyes - on Monday there was a ceasefire. On Tuesday, Israel shot down five more Gazans. On Monday, UN Undersecretary General for Humanitarian Affairs Tom Fletcher was excited about the humanitarian scale-up; on Tuesday, he said the organisation faced &quot;further setbacks to the implementation&quot;. On Monday, President Trump was hailed for the Gaza Plan; on Tuesday, he was threatening to disarm Hamas &quot;violently&quot;. And on Wednesday, Centcom chief Brad Cooper was calling upon Hamas to &quot;immediately suspend violence and shooting at innocent Palestinian civilians in Gaza&quot;, both in Hamas-controlled areas and behind the so-called yellow line where Israeli troops are stationed. What was the peace deal then, if there was any?

The truth is that humanity was not told anything about the deal or what had been agreed to. On the face of it, it seems that Hamas was forced to hand over its only leverage, the hostages, in return for empty promises that most of us don&#39;t believe in. Was it a deal for letting Netanyahu go scot-free from all his court cases then, and let the Israelis pretend they have won? Was it just a prop-up to satisfy Trump&#39;s ego after he lost the Nobel peace prize? Was it a move to put a quiet on the Gaza front so that a full attack on Iran could be prepared for? Or was it just a commonplace sorcery, to stupefy humanity, while the genocide goes on in full? Or, was it a game of the survival for leaders, who want legitimacy in the eyes of their people, and who don&#39;t actually want an end to wars because they thrive on conflict and enmity.

Offensive realist Mearsheimer describes an anarchic world where every state is for its own and where states transfer the responsibility to act to other states while remaining on the sidelines - it&#39;s called buck-passing. So do we see the Muslim states passing the buck over to the Arabs? And the Arabs conveniently passing the buck onto Trump, who has no concern with the lives or welfare of the Palestinians, and who is best buddies with Netanyahu? So how does all this work? Are the states of the Ummah just thinking to keep passing the buck so that they can have peace in their states and have their multi-billion projects and their luxuries, while Gaza and the West Bank burn and bleed? How long will this work?

By the way, are the &#39;innocent Palestinian civilians in Gaza&#39; that Brad Cooper mentioned Hamas was killing, not the IDF collaborators that they have prepared to wreak havoc in Gaza when they are gone? Are they not the same gangsters who have been looting the humanitarian aid at IDF&#39;s behest? If the Centcom chief wants to protect them, imagine what the calculus of peace drawn in his mind would be!

All this when the IDF forces still remain in two-thirds of Gaza; when humanitarian convoys are still not passing the check-posts; when Israeli leadership is repeating to this day that it won&#39;t have a Palestinian state; and that it is determined to destroy Hamas; and, in the words of Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, to ethnically cleanse Palestinians from Gaza. The truth is that Israel sees every war as an opportunity for expulsion of Palestinians, just like in 1948 and 1967.

And the truth is that the US will never cut Israel&#39;s aid; Israel will blame Hamas for something, backfoot on the ceasefire, and the genocide will go on. Because, Israeli perspective is not peace and political stability in the region, its perspective is Zionistic, it is maximising Jewish control, minimising Palestinian presence.

So, the question every member of human society must ask is: is this the way global politics is being run - of satisfying egos of biggity men; of putting trade over human lives; of letting the killing of 70,000 people just for the imperialist dream of an ally? Is this the exemplary &#39;way of life&#39; the leaders of our times propound? And are our votes in the ballot box stamping upon their powers?

Surely then, with our votes, genocide has won and humanity has lost.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/1870549-aneelashahzadnew-1545244338/1870549-aneelashahzadnew-1545244338.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>American strategic deception</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2518072/american-strategic-deception</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2518072/american-strategic-deception#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Tue, 24 Dec 24 20:24:21 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Zamir Akram]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2518072</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[The US also maintains massive nuclear deterrence capability in comparison with which Pakistan's assets are miniscule.]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[Speaking at an American think-tank on 19 December, Jon Finer, the Deputy National Security Advisor in the Biden Administration, claimed that Pakistan&#39;s development of long-range missiles &quot;will have the capability to strike targets well beyond South Asia, including the United States&quot;. He added that it was &quot;hard for us to see Pakistan&#39;s actions as anything other than an emerging threat to the United States&quot;.

This sweeping and speculative assertion coming only two days after the US imposed sanction on Pakistani entities allegedly involved in missile development could hardly be a coincidence.

This is obviously part of a well-orchestrated charade intended to deny Pakistan the capability to ensure credible deterrence against India&#39;s rapid development of its strategic arsenal including long range air, land and sea based missiles to be deployed on offshore Indian assets and nuclear powered submarines.

This blatantly discriminatory American policy behind the smoke-screen that Pakistan seeks to threaten the US itself is patently ludicrous and disingenuous. Even objective Americans would find this hard to digest. Indeed, this is strategic deception at its worst.

The US is well aware that ever since Pakistan&#39;s nuclear tests in response to India&#39;s in 1998, its strategic doctrine is focused on ensuring credible deterrence exclusively against India.

Accordingly, Pakistan&#39;s strategic capabilities are not directed against any other country except India, least of all the US. Besides, there is no rationale for Pakistan to threaten the US with which it has no dispute and where millions of Pakistanis reside.

The US also maintains a massive nuclear deterrence capability in comparison with which Pakistan&#39;s assets are miniscule. For Pakistan to attack the US would, therefore, be suicidal.

In open forum discussions on this issue over the recent past with American officials and experts, Pakistani interlocutor, myself involved, have sought clarity and rational arguments that would explain American concern. But none have been offered.

There have been vague and weak arguments that since Pakistan is China&#39;s ally, its strategic capabilities are a part of the threat from China. This begs the question as to why Pakistan, even as a Chinese ally, would jeopardise its own existence by attacking the US?

The truth is that these American allegations are a ploy and an obvious deception. The objective is to protect India&#39;s strategic interests against China. To achieve this, the US wants India to focus on China and not be distracted by competition from Pakistan.

But from Pakistan&#39;s perspective, Indian capabilities ostensibly against China can also be used against Pakistan. In fact, after the thrashing India received from China in 1962, it has no inclination whatsoever to engage in a conflict with the Chinese. But New Delhi will continue to exploit the threat from China to benefit from American hand-outs as Washington&#39;s &#39;Net Security Provider&#39;.

However, for Pakistan, the Indian military build-up presents an existential threat. India has used the American supported nuclear waiver to increase its nuclear arsenal. It has developed short, medium and long range air, land and sea based missiles. It has acquired nuclear powered and nuclear armed submarines. In 2019, India tested an anti-satellite missile (ASAT) and has developed a multi-layered Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) System, involving American Patriot, Israeli Arrow and Russian S-400 missiles.

India is also developing hypersonic missiles while inducting new and emerging technologies into its weapon systems with American assistance. At the same time, Indian strategic bases are being set up in the Indian Ocean, most notably in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and possibly in the Indian Ocean. Additionally, as a part of the US-backed Quadrilateral alliance in the Asia-Pacific, India may obtain basing facilities in the territories of its alliance parties - the US, Japan and Australia.

For Pakistan these developments present existing and potential challenges in the future for which it must be prepared to ensure credible deterrence. Pakistan has already ensured, through its full spectrum deterrence policy, deterrence at the operational, tactical and strategic levels.

It maintains credible second strike capability adequate for its needs. Its land, air and sea based Babur cruise missiles and the MIRVed Ababheel missiles provide capability to penetrate Indian BMD systems. The Shaheen 2 and 3 long range missiles cover the Indian mainland and offshore assets.

However, since deterrence is dynamic depending on changes in technologies and policies, Pakistan cannot afford to foreclose its future options. For instance, development of Indian bases with nuclear armed missiles deep in the Indian Ocean would require Pakistan to develop longer range missiles.

Similarly, Pakistan&#39;s space assets including satellites which are becoming increasingly vital for civilian and military purposes, may come to be threatened by ASATs which India has already tested.

Therefore, for effective deterrence to protect its satellites in future, Pakistan would need an ASAT capability for which long range missiles are essential. Also, to benefit from future space operations, Pakistan would need the capability to launch satellites which require developing a Space Launch Vehicle (SLV) capability. For all these reasons, Pakistan has a legitimate right to develop its long range missile/rocket programme.

If the US has legitimate concerns about Pakistan&#39;s missile development programme, even as the assertion that Pakistan would threaten the US is nonsensical, a reasonable arrangement based mutual non-attack assurances can provide a logical solution. But, since the US does not seek this option, the conclusion is inescapable that America&#39;s true motives are different and the allegations made by the likes of Jon Finer are nothing but an elaborate deception.

America&#39;s true intentions are betrayed by its discriminatory sanctions imposed on Pakistani entities as was done again a few days ago. There are more than 160 such entities that have been sanctioned since 1998 while none in India.

If Washington was truly interested in South Asian security and protecting its own national interests, it should pursue a non-discriminatory and balanced policy towards Pakistan and India. Instead, India has been given a free pass to build up its strategic capabilities while restraint is only being sought from Pakistan. History has demonstrated that discrimination has never succeeded with Pakistan.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/1279755-ZamirAkram-1483117410/1279755-ZamirAkram-1483117410.JPG" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item><item>
			<title>Time to heal the wounds with Dhaka, and beyond</title>
			<link>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2518067/time-to-heal-the-wounds-with-dhaka-and-beyond</link>
			<comments>https://tribune.com.pk/story/2518067/time-to-heal-the-wounds-with-dhaka-and-beyond#comments</comments>
			<pubDate>Tue, 24 Dec 24 20:24:21 +0500</pubDate>
			<dc:creator>
				<![CDATA[Ishtiaq Ali Mehkri]]>
			</dc:creator>
			<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
			<guid isPermaLink="false">https://tribune.com.pk/?p=2518067</guid>
			<description>
				<![CDATA[Five decades down the line as Bangladesh and Pakistan look back at the trauma, it pains.]]>
			</description>
			<content:encoded>
				<![CDATA[The month of December reminds me of Fall of Dhaka in 1971, and the iconic poetry of Naseer Turabi, who in an instant heart-wrenching aura penned a poem reflecting the remorse of dismemberment of East Pakistan in all humility. To this day, the ghazal (ode) he wrote reverberates as a grim reminder of our fallacies in the national milieu, and the trust that the poet had in the truncated section of our erstwhile nationhood.

The legendary poet was felicitous as he wrote: &quot;Woh humsafar thaa magar us sey humnawai na thiKay dhoop chaaon ka aalam raha, judaai na thi&quot; (He was my companion, but with him I didn&#39;t have like-mindedness; Like the clouds and sunlight, together but as apart as can be).

Turabi went on to state the obvious with a big heart: &quot;Adaavatein theen, taghaaful thaa, ranjishein theen magar; Bicharne walay mein sab kuch thaa, be-wafaai na thi&quot; (There were feelings of animosity, indifference and anguish (between us) but; my departed lover had everything (but) hadn&#39;t had unfaithfulness).

Five decades down the line as Bangladesh and Pakistan look back at the trauma, it pains and has nothing to account for but regrets. It is, however, some great consolation that Dhaka is willing to bury the hatchet, and wants to normalise relations with Islamabad. The desire on the part of Dr Muhammad Yunus, the interim leader, to &quot;move on from 1971&quot; is statesmanship.

The new thinking, perhaps, hints at the Bengali nation having come a long way from the Bangabandhu psyche to a progressive, all-inclusive emerging society. The end of Shaikh Hasina&#39;s regime has also impacted in helping Dhaka realise that in an era of geo-economics, carrying the baggage of animosity is an undesired liability.

The plausible interactions are many. The first that needs to be done is to reorient the academia and intelligentsia, and let them brief and debrief over the checkered history in all openness. Trade, commerce and communication avenues are aplenty for a joint populace of around half a billion, with a collective GDP of more than $750 billion.

Apart from buoying trade, both the countries must work together for reviving the moribund eight-nation SAARC, which was conceptualised by Dhaka as a viable organic regional organisation in 1985. Bangladesh can prevail over India to give in its resistance to the regional bloc and help rewrite a new chapter of homogeneity on the pattern of ASEAN. As India sits fingers-crossed with the fall of its ally-dispensation in Dhaka, there can be a quid pro quo for regional amalgamation making it a win-win situation in bilateralism.

The opening up of our quondam eastern flank can unfurl lessons in pluralism, institutional building and respect for political mandate that Bengalis had cherished. Pakistan, unfortunately groped in parochialism these days, can learn a lot and work inwardly for strengthening national unity. With origins of our freedom movement and its founding fathers from Bengal, there is a lot of intellectualism that needs to be revisited, and made part of our national life.

To pick a thread from Faiz Ahmed Faiz, &quot;Kab nazar mein aaye gi be-daagh sabzay ki bahaar; Khoon ke dhabbay dhuleinge kitni barsaaton ke baad...&quot; (When will we see the unsullied green of spring? After how many monsoons will the stains of blood be washed?), it&#39;s time to take a leap forward and connect the dots with Dhaka. An apology from Pakistan - which has expressed regrets over the debacle though - is direly needed for a fresh start.

This also comes as an opportunity to touch-base on the Bihari legion and make an earnest effort to embrace them and heal the wounds of history. Indeed, this reconnecting desires some soul-searching as more than 300,000 Biharis are stranded in Bangladesh - poor souls who stood for Pakistan and paid a price in blood and misery.

If Dhaka can embrace Rohingya Muslims, what prevents Islamabad from bringing back Biharis and undoing their statelessness? Looking beyond the bitterness of 1971 demands an open head and heart, and a comprehensive leap forward is indispensable.]]>
			</content:encoded>
			<image>
				    <img src="https://i.tribune.com.pk/media/images/Ishtiaq-Ali-Mehkri1690309071-0/Ishtiaq-Ali-Mehkri1690309071-0.jpg" class="featured_image"/>
            </image>
			</item>	</channel>
                </rss>
