Sethi was moderating the discussion on the last day of the festival Sunday. And the panel consisted of British author Victoria Schofield, former foreign secretary Najmuddin Shaikh and Indian journalist Barkha Dutt.

Dutt, who is familiar with the trend coming from a country which has produced the only grandfather-daughter-grandson prime ministers, showered the crowd with some rather disconcerting statistics that revealed some of the undemocratic forces at play in the biggest democracy in the world.

The Indian journalist spoke for the need of intra-party elections to end the controlled continuity in rulers through family lineage.

On the other hand, Schofield highlighted how dynasties in politics weren’t just a third world phenomena. The author, known for close ties to the Bhutto family, illustrated how politics in the United States, whose founding fathers absolutely rejected the idea of power flowing through blood, had become another type of family business.

Schofield named the Kennedy and Bush dynasties to illustrate her point, but didn’t go so far as to say whether the inherent nature of such a practice was anti-democratic. The author did, however, emphasise that high literacy rates in Europe, including the United Kingdom had helped the voter make better, informed decisions about candidates running for election.

Giving a peek into Benazir Bhutto’s life, Schofield told the audience that even though the former prime minister wanted to work in service of the country, she had no aspirations to enter politics before the hanging of her father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. She felt that the environment of “assassination” needed to end before any decline was seen on the dynasty front in Pakistani politics.

Dutt shared a similar story about Priyanka Gandhi, who told the Indian journalist that she had imagined her mother, Sonia Gandhi, spending her later years as a gardener until her father, Rajiv Gandhi, was assassinated.

Former diplomat Najmuddin Shaikh was most apparent in his lack of disdain for dynasty in politics. Shaikh told the crowd that children were generally inclined to follow in the footsteps of their parents. He explained how his own siblings, a startling eleven, demonstrated his point – seven of them ended up being doctors like his father.

The panellists emphasised that even though a family name could give an individual undeserved access and higher chances of success in elections, it could only get you so far. They explained how Benazir managed to carve out her own space in politics, distinct from her father’s legacy. But the formula doesn’t always add up as was seen in the case of Fatima Ali Jinnah, who failed in her bid to contest the elections in 1965 against Ayub Khan.

Ironically, the event was graced with the presence of a man who had the power to put some of the panellists’ ideas to work. Chief Election Commissioner Justice (retired) Fakhrudin G Ebrahim walked into the event midway through the session, and brought with him a sense of urgency to address the stranglehold of a few families on the entire nation’s politics.

Published in The Express Tribune, February 18^th, 2013.

“The government has the same options as it did in before the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) decided to oppose the resolution. Nothing,” said Siddiqa. “As a nation, we have lost the spine to go ahead with this operation,” said Siddiqa, adding that, instead of a tabling a resolution on a military operation, a definitive and unanimous stand must be taken in the National Assembly against terrorism.

“A decisive message must be sent to extremist elements in the country by parliament,” she said, adding that once such a step is taken, it could translate into a military operation in North Waziristan.

Asked what is preventing political parties from agreeing on the military operation in NWA, Siddiqa said the army itself was not keen on an operation in North Waziristan, pointing towards a nearing withdrawal date of US/Isaf troops in Afghanistan.  “I don’t think the military wants an operation in Waziristan and political parties must play the symphony being conducted by the establishment.”

Published in The Express Tribune, October 17^th, 2012.

The answer is no, unless police reform is swiftly incorporated into the national agenda, according to a report by the Asia Society Independent Commission on Pakistan Police Reform. The report finds that Pakistan’s efforts to combat crime and counter terrorist activities are being outpaced by the innovation and agility of criminal networks and terrorist organisations.

The report entitled, ‘Stabilising Pakistan through Police Reform’, is the result of the convening of law enforcement and legal experts in Pakistan and the US, led by Asia Society Senior Adviser Dr Hassan Abbas. In his executive summary, Abbas discusses the report’s findings to highlight the bigger picture when it comes to whether Pakistan can provide effective policing and law enforcement.

“Pakistan’s police system suffers severe deficiencies in a number of areas, including equipment, technology, personnel, training, and intelligence capability,” Abbas says, adding that the police leadership and the rank and file appear to lack a sense of accountability to the public they are meant to serve.

Abbas notes that the system in the police force is simply not structured to reward good behaviour, as merit-based opportunities for professional advancement are scarce and even well-intentioned officers misuse their authority in order to survive.

Furthermore, even when forces are staffed with quality personnel, law enforcement bodies often lack technological resources needed to combat the most serious threats to internal security, the report finds.

“In most cases, police equipment is either outdated or nonexistent, while bureaucratic obstacles, intra-agency rivalries, and a lack of funding prevent the police from obtaining the technology needed to track down suspects,” Abbas says, highlighting how Pakistan lacks the capability to retrieve DNA from items used by the accused in a case.

Discussing the need for a well-defined counterterrorism strategy, the report finds that even though the National Counter Terrorism Authority (NACTA), established in 2009, seemed to be a promising step in the direction of coordinating and integrating the national counterterrorism effort between the military and the police, the civilian agency failed to take off as a result of political bickering over control.

“At the same time, anti-terrorism laws have failed to give law enforcement agencies and civil law institutions the power to handle cases effectively,” the report notes, citing the example of the Anti-Terrorism Act 1997, which established antiterrorism courts with powers to pursue terrorism suspects, but since the law had a broad definition of “terrorism”, it allowed for abuse by authorities, while also making it difficult to convict terrorists.

The statistics are astounding: Tried suspects in 282 out of 447 high-profile terrorism cases (63%) were acquitted by antiterrorism courts in Punjab in 2011.

However, some believe that the inadequacies don’t lie in legislation.

“It is not infirmities in our Criminal Procedure Code or the Evidence Act, but the predominant role of the Inter-Services Intelligence and the army in performing internal security duties not backed by law that largely explains the lack of convictions in terror cases,” says Babar Sattar, an accomplished writer and lawyer.

Lack of political will remains crucial obstacle

Senator Aitzaz Ahsan, a contributor to the report, addresses the lack of political will to reform the police force.

“Overall, the picture that emerges is dismal. The single thread running through this volume is that Pakistani governments lack the political will to reform the country’s police force,” says Ahsan.

Abbas writes in his forward that even though the Police Order 2002 was a constructive effort, as it sought to set up institutions and mechanisms that would allow the police to function honestly, it failed as a result of politicians and the police leadership seeking to consolidate their influence.

“Pakistan remains in the dog house of the international community mainly because its rulers refuse to accept that violence and conflict within the country is escalating and has serious ramifications for the entire region,” says leading lawyer and human rights activist Asma Jehangir, on the subject.

According to the report, a lack of resources, poor training, insufficient and outmoded equipment, and political manipulation pose tough challenges to the police force as it works to maintain law and order. Some key recommendations by the commission include reforms that aim to improve police technology, personnel, training, and intelligence capability.

Access the full report by Asia Society here.

Published in The Express Tribune, August 3^rd, 2012.

Prominent NDTV journalist Barkha Dutt never actually made it to Karachi to give her keynote speech at the ‘Pakistan-India Social Media Mela’. Despite her absence, she certainly drove the point home about the perils of social media.

The ‘surprise’ to make up for Dutt’s absence was that she would address it through Skype. But it soon turned into a nightmare when a minute into the interaction with her, the audio started breaking up. After trying to decipher her words and playing the ‘fill in the blanks’ game for another minute, Beena Sarwar decided to end everyone’s misery and give it another shot after a short interval.

Interestingly, the organisers found the time to cut the government some slack – twice within a span of 30 minutes. Rehman Malik was given an honorary mention and applauded for pulling off a last-minute magic trick to get the paperwork and visas ready to go for the Indian delegates, while a few minutes later our national flag carrier Pakistan International Airlines was also given a shout out for being the only South Asian airline that services all capitals in the region.

But the agony didn’t look like it was about to end for the organisers or the attendees. In an effort to break the ice and kick things off, minus US Consul General William Martin’s short and candid introduction to the event, the Indian participants were asked to come on stage and offer brief introductions.

The handful of Indians who did catch a flight may not have been frustrated with the usual delays, but they must have brooded over whether they were attending a visa regime change conference between the arch-rivals or a Social Media Mela.

Nevertheless, the introductions were amusing to say the least. One of the introductions went something along the lines: “I’m Sanjay … I don’t work”. The same Sanjay later went on to disclose his mundane conversation with journalist Mohsin Sayeed about a show he wanted to start, called “What’s with Indian women?”

Still, Mumbai columnist Venkat Ananth took the cake cake when, unintentionally it seemed, he decided to divulge into the details of how long it took to travel from Mumbai to Karachi by boat – eight hours just in case you were wondering. It all made sense now: the visa regime, the Mumbai attacks, Rehman Malik and PIA – the biggest obstacles and promoters of social media interaction between India and Pakistan.

‘Have we got Barkha back?’

When the Skype conversation with Dutt finally resumed – the only thing that was brought to the forefront were the trials and tribulations faced by the everyday Pakistani internet user. After yet another botched attempt, Dutt got back to Tweeting and the Social Media Mela was able to pick up the pieces and carry on with the show.

Beena Sarwar, who somehow managed to decipher the gist of Dutt’s broken message, ‘basically’ gathered that social media had broken barriers in connecting people across the border.

If anything, the promise of social media is evident: connectivity – depending on your internet service provider. But the peril has to be the lack of uniformity in organisation and action, specifically when it comes down to the two arch-rivals.

Published in The Express Tribune, July 14^th, 2012.

“India and Pakistan are increasing the size and sophistication of their nuclear arsenals. Both countries are developing and deploying new types of nuclear-capable ballistic and cruise missiles and both are increasing their military fissile material production capabilities,” said the 2012 yearbook of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.

The neighbours are not only increasing the size of their nuclear arsenal, they’re also increasingly showing it off.

The most recent surge of missile tests kicked off with India’s launch of a new long-range weapon capable of hitting China just over six weeks ago; a launch that was subsequently followed by Pakistan’s very own nuclear-capable missile tests – five to be precise. However, the flexibility given to the nuclear-armed neighbours by the West in part exists as the two neutralise each other’s capabilities.

India successfully test-fired the Agni V on April 20, capable of delivering a one-tonne nuclear warhead anywhere in rival China. The test was followed by Pakistan’s test of ‘first-strike’ tactical short-range warheads, which aim to counter India’s superior conventional forces. The last one was the Hatf VII cruise missile, which was tested on June 5, has a range of 700 km, can carry conventional warheads and has stealth capabilities.

Alarm bells

The routine tests, however, do ring alarm bells in the region and international circles. Pakistan in particular treads a much finer line as the West has conveyed its unease over Islamabad’s ‘two-faced’ approach towards militancy.

Defence analyst Hasan Askari Rizvi suggests that the routine tests are inherent in nuclear deterrence arrangements, adding that such tests will not adversely affect efforts to improve trade and diplomatic relations between India and Pakistan.

“Both want to improve trade relations, at least for the time being. What can hinder trade relations are political, ideological and bureaucratic obstacles which are surmountable,” Rizvi said.

However, some analysts have argued that New Delhi’s strategic priorities are moving away from Pakistan to focus more on China, while Pakistan is still concerned about its eastern neighbour.

“India sees Pakistan as a dangerous irritant but not a rival. Its militarisation is driven by the desire to project power in competition with China,” said nuclear physicist Pervez Hoodbhoy.

Defence analyst Talat Masood believes that India’s booming economy and strategic convergence with the US and the West have indirectly raised fears in Islamabad and given a rationale to the military to keep building its nuclear infrastructure and nuclear weapons.

Masood adds that Islamabad has also felt a sense of discrimination as it is denied access to the Nuclear Suppliers Group.

“The US-India strategic partnership agreement has totally altered the strategic balance in India’s favor,” said Masood.

A recent deterioration in relations between the US and Pakistan has also heightened insecurities in Islamabad, analysts suggest.

“The rapid increase in our nuclear arsenal is probably to add redundancy because some severe crisis might lead to a US attempt at snatching Pakistan’s nukes,” said Hoodbhoy.

‘First-strike’ policy

The possible escalation has also caused concern in the region as Pakistan has increased its development of ‘first-strike’ tactical short-range warheads to counter India’s superior conventional forces. There is fear that in a conflict between the neighbours, Islamabad would be the first to use nuclear weapons to deter a conventional strike by New Delhi.

“It is true that tactical nuclear weapons are very destabilising, especially considering the geographical proximity of the two nations,” Masood said, adding that the two countries need to engage in serious dialogue on nuclear and strategic issues. However, he rules out the possibility of Pakistan halting or decreasing the development of tactical weapons.

“If Pakistan agrees to No First Use, India’s conventional military superiority will become operational,” said Askari.

Pakistan is believed to have slightly more nuclear warheads than India – 90 to 110 – compared with New Delhi’s 80-100. But experts say the figures may not include Pakistan’s growing number of short-range tactical weapons, according to a report by The Telegraph.

Published In The Express Tribune, June 14^th, 2012.

At the close of Qaddafi’s brutal regime, one would look forward to a Libya that wouldn’t be marred by the rather distasteful and unIslamic manner in which his body was kept in cold storage in Misrata. Before Qaddafi was buried at an unknown location, hundreds of Libyans had queued up to view his corpse, as reports surfaced that Libya’s interim rulers ended the public display of the bodies of Qaddafi, his son and the army chief after four days, during which time thousands of Libyans came to see for themselves that the dictator was really dead.

However, the question is not one of whether the public display was finally halted; the issue arises from the principles at stake in the first few days of a new Libya. While foreign allies of the anti-Qaddafi rebels had expressed concern about the treatment of Qaddafi, both after his capture and after his death, there should be a high-level of disquiet about the new leaders promise to respect human rights. Does the same treatment await thousands of Qaddafi loyalists?

Meanwhile, Qaddafi’s will surfaced and in it, he expressed the desire to be buried next to his ‘family and friends’ in his birthplace, Sirte — the centre of the loyalist last stand against the rebels.

The document, in English translation, says: “This is my will. I, Muammar Qaddafi, do swear that there is no other God but Allah and that Mohammad is God’s Prophet, peace be upon him. I pledge that I will die as Muslim. Should I be killed, I would like to be buried, according to Muslim rituals, in the clothes I was wearing at the time of my death and my body unwashed, in the cemetery of Sirte, next to my family and relatives.”

Subsequently, the official Egyptian news agency said Libya’s office for fatwas, or religious decrees, had declared Qaddafi was not a Muslim as he had denied the teachings of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) and, therefore, should not be given an Islamic funeral.

And so the people of new Libya and its new leaders were left with what was possible their toughest decisions yet, because even as a corpse, Qaddafi casts a shadow over Libya’s new beginning. However, in principle, to avoid further disgrace, the wrangling within the National Transitional Council’s (NTC) faction must end and it ought to act swiftly and honourably. The NTC leaders wanted Qaddafi buried at a “secret, unknown location in the desert so the place does not become a shrine” — a bizarre concern from a council that believed only a handful of Libyans truly cherished the deposed dictator. Either way, granted that their concerns can be validated, the burial should have taken place wherever they may wish, according to Islamic law as Qaddafi’s will states his Muslim beliefs and desire to be buried in the Islamic tradition and it would be paramount for the government to leave further judgment to God.

Furthermore, Seif alIslam Qaddafi, one of Qaddafi’s sons, is said to be still at large. This time around, it would be best if he isn’t also killed out of hand, or if at the very least the NTC and the international community can caution their fighters that the new Libya is one that is governed by the law of the land, not kerbside justice or mob rule.

Published in The Express Tribune, October 26^th, 2011.

KARACHI: Almost a month ago when the tenth anniversary of the Sept 11, 2001 attacks was celebrated, people all over the globe shared a moment of silence for an event that singlehandedly defined the past decade for the world. Today, however, marks the anniversary of a decade long war; the Afghan war, an event that continues to redefine the world that we have come to live in since the Sept 11 attacks.

A decade and billions of dollars later, one would argue that the Afghan war hasn’t changed much for the Afghans themselves. Rather one could argue that the country has once again been used as a battleground for major stakeholders of the region to settle their own ideological and strategic interests. As Afghans inch closer to a date for their freedom from Western ‘occupiers’, their fate looks even more uncertain than when the Soviets withdrew from their country in 1989.

It was reported today that US President Barack Obama has planned no public events to mark the 10 years of war in Afghanistan, maybe to avoid embarrassment, probably to avoid answering how the US-led coalition has failed to meet any of its major goals; to crush the Taliban insurgency and sanctuaries in Pakistan, to restrain the Afghan government’s corruption and incompetence and more importantly to uplift Afghanistan from being one of the world’s most primitive nation on earth.

At this juncture, the answers seem to be blowing in the wind. When it comes to the question of a peace deal, it has become increasingly evident that there is no deal without the Taliban, who after ten years are tough enough to keep on fighting for many years to come.

Wakil Ahmad Muttawakil, a former aide to the reclusive Mullah Omar, believes there is only one way to end a decade of fighting in Afghanistan and that is bring the Taliban back to power. “The only way to finish the fight against the Talibanis to bring them to power and get foreigners out,” Muttawakil said in an interview at his Kabul home.

Other Afghans aren’t as optimistic about the return of their former rulers but are certainly prepared for that outcome. When it comes to governance and corruption, the issues inspires even less hope for the Afghans. Who will pay for the for Afghan security forces — about 350,000 soldiers and police — when maintaining them will cost about $6 billion a year?

If one wonders why the corruption is so rampant, they should ponder over the fact that as of now 90 per cent of the Afghan government’s revenues come from foreign aid. How will Afghanistan replace that money? The country produces very little of any real value — the largest export product being opium poppies, used to make heroin.

However, the darkest side of the Afghan war is found in the everyday lives of ordinary Afghan citizens who have seen a decade of poverty, war and corruption.

Even though the challenges for Washington now lie in the political reconciliation of major stakeholders of the region, there is no doubt that US administration shies from marking the tenth anniversary of the Afghan war to avoid facing the reality that they failed in the task of rebuilding this poor state. (ADDITIONAL INPUT FROM REUTERS)

Published in The Express Tribune, October 7^th, 2011.

You can view a slideshow of pictures from the war here.

Reports also suggested Kayani wanted America to convey this alert to India. The warning from the Pakistani army chief came reportedly after Israelis were targeted during November 26, 2008 Mumbai terror attack.

Nariman House, a Jewish outreach centre in Colaba, Mumbai was seized and attacked by four terrorists during the 26/11 terror strike.

Six of its occupants, including Rabbi Gavriel Noach Holtzberg and his wife, Rivka, who was five months pregnant, were killed in the attack. Their two-year-old son Moshe survived the attack after being rescued by his Indian nanny, Sandra Samuel.

Meanwhile, President Asif Ali Zardari stopped the Pakistan Army chief from conducting an operation in Waziristan, WikiLeaks revealed, a private news outlet reported.

In a diplomatic cable sent to Washington on October 6, 2009 the then ambassador to Pakistan, Anne W Patterson wrote about her meeting with Army chief Kayani. According to the cable, Kayani informed her that President Zardari had stopped the operation in Waziristan till spring due to political reasons.

During their meeting, COAS informed the US ambassador that he had met Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif and opposition leader in the National Assembly Chaudhry Nisar, but the purpose of this meeting was not political. ISI chief Lt General Shuja Pasha was also present during the meeting between the US ambassador and COAS.

According to the cable, both Kayani and Pasha opposed certain aspects of the Kerry-Lugar bill stating that they were against the Pakistan Army and would negatively impact Pak-US relations. On the issue of back channel diplomacy with India, COAS said that the US ambassador should speak with President Zardari. The cable also stated that both Kayani and Pasha wanted back channel diplomacy with India to be successful.

Published in The Express Tribune, September 6^th, 2011.

Cloud computing is the delivery of computing as a service rather than a product, whereby shared resources, software and information are provided to computers and other devices as a utility (like the electricity grid) over a network (typically the Internet).

With a lot more myth than hype around it, the serious players in the market have already begun their cloud journey which today is relevant only if it’s quantified. For chip-maker Intel, cloud is both relevant and real, as the company has saved $17 million to date from their internal cloud efforts.

Intel’s journey to the private cloud began in 2006, with the successful deployment of a global computing grid to support mission-critical design processes. Today, it is building an office and enterprise cloud on a virtualised infrastructure. As a first step to creating this infrastructure, the company has accelerated the pace of server virtualisation with 42% of the environment virtualised by the end of 2010. The chip maker also claims to be on track to virtualise 75% of their environment over the next few years.

Given that Intel is just mid-way in its journey to the private cloud; both its savings and growth numbers appear significant. “The cloud segment is up 50% in the first half of 2011 versus first half of last year demonstrating how fast that business continues to ramp. We believe that we are very early in the cloud build-out and Intel remains extremely well-positioned to profitably grow from the explosion of mobile devices and Internet-based services,” Intel president and CEO Paul Otellini said during the company’s Q2 2011 earnings call.

Intel has achieved a number of business benefits with their private cloud, which include immediate provisioning, higher responsiveness, lower business costs, flexible configurations, and secured infrastructure. “The provisioning time has reduced from 90 days to three hours and now on the way to minutes.” Liam Keating, IT Director, Intel APAC said at the recently-concluded Intel cloud summit in Malaysia.

Furthermore, Intel Labs has announced two new Intel Science and Technology Centers (ISTC) hosted at Carnegie Mellon University focused on cloud and embedded computing research.

Aimed at shaping the future of cloud computing and how increasing numbers of everyday devices will add computing capabilities, Intel Labs announced the latest Intel Science and Technology Centers (ISTC) both headquartered at Carnegie Mellon University.

These centers embody the next $30 million installment of Intel’s recently announced 5-year, $100 million ISTC program to increase university research and accelerate innovation in a handful of key areas.

“These new ISTCs are expected to open amazing possibilities,” said Justin Rattner, Intel Chief Technology Officer. “Imagine, for example, future cars equipped with embedded sensors and microprocessors to constantly collect and analyze traffic and weather data. That information could be shared and analysed in the cloud so that drivers could be provided with suggestions for quicker and safer routes.”

The ISTC forms a new cloud computing research community that broadens Intel’s “Cloud 2015″ vision with new ideas from top academic researchers, and includes research that extends and improves on Intel’s existing cloud computing initiatives.

Some believe that it is all hype, whereas, some believe that it will surpass the internet in importance. Intel Corporation, for one, believes that the promise of cloud has become a reality for them.

At the Intel Apac Summit 2011 in Malaysia, Intel organised an event to highlight its vision and strategy on cloud computing, updates of cloud innovations and the industry’s efforts on benefits of cloud commuting to enterprise across the Asia pacific region.

Intel Apac Director Liam Keating expressed confidence about Intel’s cloud commuting journey that started two years ago.

“We see real benefit. Over the past two years we have seen over $17 million in savings to date from our internal cloud effort” Keating told the Summit.

Intel’s private cloud does possess some significant benefits, including immediate provision, higher responsiveness, lower business costs, and flexible configurations and secured infrastructure which indirectly improve the velocity and availability of IT Services.

Data Center Group’s Leadership Marketing Director Allyson Klein informed the Summit about the rising numbers in the connected world in Asia Pacific, saying over 1 billion users would be a part of the connected world in the region by 2015. Intel has shown significant growth in the data center processors about twice in 10 years and 2x in 5 years in data center acceleration. Klein claimed that cloud’s contribution to date center growth will be about 20% by 2015.

Published in The Express Tribune, July 28^th, 2011.